Churchills Abandoned Prisoners

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Oct 032020
 

A lecture by Rupert Wieloch,

Author and former British Army officer 

Sourced from you Tube credited to RUSI

Rupert Wieloch has seen more than his share of front-line military action, having served as a platoon commander during the Troubles in Northern Ireland, before leading a squadron during the Gulf War in 1990. Deploying to Bosnia with the United Nations, his troops became renowned by the press as ‘saviours of the children’ after he planned and executed the largest defensive battle fought by a Commonwealth combat force for twenty years.

Having worked as a spokesperson for the Army Board, his role moved to planning and strategy at the highest level. He played a key role in Operation Veritas, the UK’s response to 9/11, as part of the team which developed the UK’s campaign against international terrorism. With this wealth of experience, he went on to command the British contingent in the NATO mission to Iraq and later to serve as the Senior British Military Commander in Libya following the fall of Gaddafi.

In his lecture, Rupert will draw on his personal experiences and explain the changing reasons for going to war. He will discuss the strategic lessons which have been largely ignored and suggest ways that the international community can improve its approach to resolving crises and managing strategic risks.

Rupert Wieloch was born in Yorkshire and grew up in London. He joined the Army as three momentous events shaped the world: an Islamic revolution overthrew the Shah of Iran; President Sadat of Egypt and Prime Minister Begin of Israel signed a Peace Treaty; and just after he was commissioned into the 17th/21st Lancers, the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan. During thirty five years’ service to Queen and Country, he deployed on most of Britain’s major operations, ending up as the Senior British Military Commander in Libya in 2011. He was the final Director of Defence Studies for the British Army before the post was cut after the Strategic Defence and Security Review of 2010. He now divides his time between a dangerous sport in Switzerland and fundraising for veterans’ charities in London.

Sourced and credited to RUSI.org

Picture credited to Getty Images

The Vulcan Bomber

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Sep 272020
 

The Vulcan Bomber

Proudly Displayed on the Underside of the Vulcan Bomber wing

The owners of Britain’s last airworthy Vulcan bomber have raised enough money to keep the plane serviced.

XH558 flew for the last time in 2015 but even after it was grounded, around 1000 people a month continued to visit the Vulcan at its hangar at Doncaster Sheffield airport.

The ‘Vulcan To The Sky Trust’ said it was being provided with the storage for free until the end of April but needed to raise £200,000 to keep the bomber maintained for the rest of this year.

XH558 was built in 1960 and entered service with the RAF in the role of carrying Britain’s nuclear weapons into the heart of the Soviet Union. It was the last Vulcan to fly as an RAF aircraft in 1992 and was brought back into service in 2008.

XH558 lost its permit to fly at the end of October 2015 after the engineering firms which helped keep it airworthy said they were no longer able to provide the skills to ensure safety.

The trust, which restored the aircraft have been developing a plan for a visitor attraction around the Vulcan, including periodically opening up its powerful engines on short taxi runs around the airport.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DvFvBbsQVI4

Sourced from You Tube Credited to Wonkabar007 

The Avro Vulcan (later Hawker Siddeley Vulcan from July 1963) is a jet-powered tailless delta wing high-altitude strategic bomber, which was operated by the Royal Air Force (RAF) from 1956 until 1984. Aircraft manufacturer A.V. Roe and Company (Avro) designed the Vulcan in response to Specification B.35/46. Of the three V bombers produced, the Vulcan was considered the most technically advanced and hence the riskiest option. Several reduced-scale aircraft, designated Avro 707, were produced to test and refine the delta wing design principles.

The Vulcan B.1 was first delivered to the RAF in 1956; deliveries of the improved Vulcan B.2 started in 1960. The B.2 featured more powerful engines, a larger wing, an improved electrical system and electronic countermeasures (ECM); many were modified to accept the Blue Steel missile. As a part of the V-force, the Vulcan was the backbone of the United Kingdom’s airborne nuclear deterrent during much of the Cold War. Although the Vulcan was typically armed with nuclear weapons, it was capable of conventional bombing missions, a capability which was used in Operation Black Buck during the Falklands War between the United Kingdom and Argentina in 1982.

The Vulcan had no defensive weaponry, initially relying upon high-speed high-altitude flight to evade interception. Electronic countermeasures were employed by the B.1 (designated B.1A) and B.2 from circa 1960. A change to low-level tactics was made in the mid-1960s. In the mid-1970s nine Vulcans were adapted for maritime radar reconnaissance operations, redesignated as B.2 (MRR). In the final years of service six Vulcans were converted to the K.2 tanker configuration for aerial refuelling.

After retirement by the RAF, one example, B.2 XH558, named The Spirit of Great Britain, was restored for use in display flights and air shows, whilst two other B.2s, XL426 and XM655, have been kept in taxiable condition for ground runs and demonstrations at London Southend Airport and Wellesbourne Mountford Airfield respectively. B.2 XH558 flew for the last time in October 2015, before also being kept in taxiable condition at Doncaster Sheffield Airport.

Origins

The origin of the Vulcan and the other V bombers is linked with early British atomic weapon programme and nuclear deterrent policies. Britain’s atom bomb programme began with Air Staff Operational Requirement OR.1001 issued in August 1946. This anticipated a government decision in January 1947 to authorise research and development work on atomic weapons, the U.S. Atomic Energy Act of 1946 (McMahon Act) having prohibited exporting atomic knowledge, even to countries that had collaborated on the Manhattan Project. OR.1001 envisaged a weapon not to exceed 24 ft 2 in (7.37 m) in length, 5 ft (1.5 m) in diameter and 10,000 lb (4,500 kg) in weight. The weapon had to be suitable for release from 20,000 ft (6,100 m) to 50,000 ft (15,000 m).

In January 1947, the Ministry of Supply distributed Specification B.35/46 to UK aviation companies to satisfy Air Staff Operational Requirement OR.229 for “a medium range bomber landplane capable of carrying one 10,000 lb (4,500 kg) bomb to a target 1,500 nautical miles (1,700 mi; 2,800 km) from a base which may be anywhere in the world.” A cruising speed of 500 knots (580 mph; 930 km/h) at heights between 35,000 ft (11,000 m) and 50,000 ft (15,000 m) was specified.

The maximum weight when fully loaded ought not to exceed 100,000 lb (45,000 kg). In addition to a “special” (i.e., atomic) bomb, the aircraft was to be capable of alternatively carrying a conventional bomb load of 20,000 lb (9,100 kg). The similar OR.230 required a “long range bomber” with a 2,000 nautical miles (2,300 mi; 3,700 km) radius of action with a maximum weight of 200,000 lb (91,000 kg) when fully loaded; this requirement was considered too exacting.  A total of six companies submitted technical brochures to this specification, including Avro.

Required to tender by the end of April 1947, work began on receipt of Specification B.35/46 at Avro, led by technical director Roy Chadwick and chief designer Stuart Davies; the type designation was Avro 698. It was obvious to the design team that conventional aircraft could not satisfy the specification; knowing little about high-speed flight and unable to glean much from the Royal Aircraft Establishment (RAE) or the US, they investigated German Second World War swept wing research. The team estimated that an otherwise conventional aircraft, with a swept wing of 45°, would have doubled the weight requirement. Realising that swept wings increase longitudinal stability, the team deleted the tail (empennage) and the supporting fuselage, it thus became a swept-back flying wing with only a rudimentary forward fuselage and a fin (vertical stabilizer) at each wingtip.

The estimated weight was now only 50% over the requirement; a delta shape resulted from reducing the wingspan and maintaining the wing area by filling in the space between the wingtips, which enabled the specification to be met. Though Alexander Lippisch is generally credited as the pioneer of the delta wing, Chadwick’s team had followed its own logical design process. The initial design submission had four large turbojets stacked in pairs buried in the wing either side of the centreline. Outboard of the engines were two bomb-bays.

In August 1947, Chadwick was killed in the crash of the Avro Tudor 2 prototype and was succeeded by Sir William Farren. Reductions in wing thickness made it impossible to incorporate the split bomb bays and stacked engines, thus the engines were placed side by side in pairs either side of a single bomb-bay, with the fuselage growing somewhat. The wingtip fins gave way to a single fin on the aircraft’s centreline. Rival manufacturer Handley Page received a prototype contract for its crescent-winged HP.80 B.35/46 tender in November 1947. Though considered the best option, contract placement for Avro’s design was delayed whilst its technical strength was established. Instructions to proceed with the construction of two Avro 698 prototypes was received in January 1948.

As an insurance measure against both radical designs failing, Short Brothers received a contract for the prototype SA.4 to the less-stringent Specification B.14/46; the SA.4, later named Sperrin, was not required. In April 1948, Vickers also received authority to proceed with their Type 660 which, although falling short of the B.35/46 Specification, being of a more conventional design would be available sooner; this plane entered service as the Valiant.

Avro 707 and Avro 710

As Avro had no flight experience of the delta wing, the company planned two smaller experimental aircraft based on the 698, the one-third scale model 707 for low-speed handling and the one-half scale model 710 for high-speed handling. Two of each were ordered. However, the 710 was cancelled when it was considered too time-consuming to develop; a high-speed variant of the 707 was designed in its place, the 707A. The first 707, VX784, flew in September 1949 but crashed later that month killing Avro test pilot Flt Lt Eric Esler. The second low-speed 707, VX790, built with the still uncompleted 707A’s nose section (containing an ejection seat) and redesignated 707B, flew in September 1950 piloted by Avro test pilot Wg Cdr Roland “Roly” Falk. The high speed 707A, WD480, followed in July 1951.

Due to the delay of the 707 programme, the contribution of the 707B and 707A towards the basic design of the 698 was not considered significant, though it did highlight a need to increase the length of the nosewheel to give a ground incidence of 3.5 degrees, the optimum take-off attitude. The 707B and 707A proved the design’s validity and gave confidence in the delta planform. A second 707A, WZ736 and a two-seat 707C, WZ744 were also constructed but they played no part in the 698’s development.

Vulcan B.1 and B.2

Prototypes and type certification

More influential than the 707 in the 698’s design was wind-tunnel testing performed by the Royal Aircraft Establishment at Farnborough, which indicated the need for a wing redesign to avoid the onset of compressibility drag which would have restricted the maximum speed.

Painted gloss white, the 698 prototype VX770 flew for the first time on 30 August 1952 piloted by Roly Falk flying solo. The prototype 698, then fitted with only the first-pilot’s ejection seat and a conventional control wheel, was powered by four Rolls-Royce RA.3 Avon engines of 6,500 lbf (29 kN) thrust; there were no wing fuel tanks, temporary tankage was carried in the bomb bay.

VX770 made an appearance at the 1952 Society of British Aircraft Constructors’ (SBAC) Farnborough Air Show the next month when Falk demonstrated an almost vertical bank. After its Farnborough appearance, the future name of the Avro 698 was a subject of speculation; Avro had strongly recommended

the name Ottawa, (N 1) in honour of the company’s connection with Avro Canada. Weekly magazine Flight suggested Albion after rejecting Avenger, Apollo and Assegai. The chief of the air staff preferred a V-class of bombers, and the Air Council announced the following month that the 698 would be called Vulcan after the Roman god of fire and destruction. In January 1953, VX770 was grounded for the installation of wing fuel tanks, Armstrong Siddeley ASSa.6 Sapphire engines of 7,500 lbf (33 kN) thrust and other systems; it flew again in July 1953.

The second prototype, VX777, flew in September 1953. More representative of production aircraft, it was lengthened to accommodate a longer nose undercarriage leg, featured a visual bomb-aiming blister under the cabin and was fitted with Bristol Olympus 100 engines of 9,750 lbf (43.4 kN) thrust. At Falk’s suggestion, a fighter-style control stick replaced the control wheel. Both prototypes had almost pure delta wings with straight leading edges. During trials in July 1954, VX777 was substantially damaged in a heavy landing at Farnborough. It was repaired and fitted with Olympus 101 engines of 11,000 lbf (49 kN) thrust before resuming trials in October 1955. While exploring the high speed and high altitude flight envelope, mild buffeting and other undesirable flight characteristics were experienced while approaching the speed of sound, including an alarming tendency to enter an uncontrollable dive, unacceptable to the Aeroplane and Armament Experimental Establishment (A&AEE) at Boscombe Down.

The solution included the “phase 2” wing, featuring a kinked and drooped leading edge and vortex generators on the upper surface, first tested on 707A WD480. An auto-mach trimmer was introduced to give a nose-up pitching moment, but more than was necessary just to counteract the diving tendency, so that the control column had to be pushed rather than pulled to maintain level flight. This artificial pitch-up made the Vulcan appear more like other aircraft as the speed increased.

Meanwhile, the first production B.1, (N 2) XA889, had flown in February 1955 with the original wing. In September 1955, Falk, flying the second production B.1 XA890, amazed crowds at the Farnborough Air Show by executing a barrel roll[28] on his second flypast in front of the SBAC president’s tent. After two days flying, he was called in front of service and civil aviation authorities and ordered to refrain from carrying out this “dangerous” manoeuvre.[28] Now fitted with a phase 2 wing, XA889 was delivered in March 1956 to the A&AEE for trials for the type’s initial Certificate of Airworthiness which it received the following month.

Further developments

The first 15 B.1s were powered by the Olympus 101 with 11,000 lbf (49 kN) thrust. Many of these early examples in a metallic finish remained the property of the Ministry of Supply being retained for trials and development purposes. Those entering RAF service were delivered to No 230 Operational Conversion Unit (OCU), the first in July 1956. Later aircraft, painted in anti-flash white and powered by the Olympus 102 with 12,000 lbf (53 kN) thrust, began to enter squadron service in July 1957.

 The Olympus 102s were quickly modified to the Olympus 104 standard, ultimately rated at 13,500 lbf (60 kN) thrust. As far back as 1952, Bristol Aero Engines had begun development of the BOl.6 (Olympus 6) rated at 16,000 lbf (71 kN) thrust but if fitted to the B.1, this would have re-introduced the buffet requiring further redesign of the wing.

The decision to proceed with the B.2 versions of the Vulcan was made in May 1956, being developed by Avro’s chief designer Roy Ewans. It was anticipated that the first B.2 would be around the 45th aircraft of the 99 then on order. As well as being able to achieve greater heights over targets, it was believed that operational flexibility could be extended by the provision of in-flight refuelling equipment and tanker aircraft. The increasing sophistication of Soviet air defences required the fitting of electronic countermeasure (ECM) equipment and vulnerability could be reduced by the introduction of the Avro Blue Steel stand-off missile, then in development.

In order to develop these proposals, the second Vulcan prototype VX777 was rebuilt with the larger and thinner phase 2C wing, improved flying control surfaces and Olympus 102 engines, first flying in this configuration in August 1957.

Plans were in hand to equip all Vulcans from the 16th aircraft onwards with in-flight refuelling receiving equipment. A B.1, XA903, was allocated for Blue Steel development work. Other B.1s were used for the development of the BOl.6 (later Olympus 200), XA891; a new AC electrical system, XA893; and ECM including jammers within a bulged tail-cone and a tail warning radar, XA895.

The 46th production aircraft and first B.2, XH533, first flew in September 1958 fitted with Olympus 200 engines with 16,000 lbf (71 kN) thrust, six months before the last B.1 XH532 was delivered in March 1959. Rebuilding B.1s as B.2s was considered but rejected over cost. Nevertheless, to extend the B.1’s service life, 28 were upgraded by Armstrong Whitworth between 1959 and 1963 to the B.1A standard, including features of the B.2 such as ECM equipment, in-flight refuelling receiving equipment, and UHF radio.

 The second B.2, XH534, flew in January 1959. Powered by production Olympus 201 with 17,000 lbf (76 kN) thrust, it was more representative of a production aircraft, being fitted with an in-flight refuelling probe and a bulged ECM tail cone. Some subsequent B.2s were initially lacking probes and ECM tail cones, but these were fitted retrospectively.

The first 10 B.2s outwardly showed their B.1 ancestry, retaining narrow engine air intakes. Anticipating even more powerful engines, the air intakes were deepened on the 11th (XH557) and subsequent aircraft. Many of the early aircraft were retained for trials and it was the 12th B.2, XH558, that was the first to be delivered to the RAF in July 1960. Coincidentally, XH558 would also be the last Vulcan in service with the RAF, before being retired in 1992.

The 26th B.2, XL317, the first of a production batch ordered in February 1956, was the first Vulcan, apart from development aircraft, capable of carrying the Blue Steel missile; 33 aircraft were delivered to the RAF with these modifications. When the Mk.2 version of Blue Steel was cancelled in favour of the Douglas GAM-87 Skybolt air-launched ballistic missile in December 1959, fittings were changed in anticipation of the new missile, one under each wing. Though Skybolt was cancelled in November 1962, many aircraft were delivered or retrofitted with “Skybolt” blisters.

Later aircraft (XL391 and XM574 onwards) were delivered with Olympus 301 engines with 20,000 lbf (89 kN) thrust. Two earlier aircraft were re-engined (XH557 and XJ784) for trials and development work; another seven aircraft (XL384–XL390) were converted around 1963.

The last B.2 XM657 was delivered in 1965 and the type served till 1984. Whilst in service the B.2 was continuously updated with modifications including rapid engine starting, bomb-bay fuel tanks, wing strengthening to give the fatigue life to enable the aircraft to fly at low level (a tactic introduced in the mid-1960s), upgraded navigation equipment, terrain following radar (TFR), standardisation on a common nuclear weapon (WE.117) and improved ECM equipment.

The B.1As were not strengthened, thus all were withdrawn by 1968. Nine B.2s were modified for a maritime radar reconnaissance (MRR) role[52] and six for an airborne tanker role. An updated bomb rack assembly allowed the carriage of 30 1,000 lb bombs, up from 21 and the updated wing profile increased range to 4,000 nm (7,400 km).

Proposed developments and cancelled projects

Avro Type 718

The Avro 718 was a 1951 proposal for a delta-winged military transport based on the Type 698 to carry 80 troops or 110 passengers. It would have been powered by four Bristol Olympus BOl.3 engines.

Avro Atlantic

The Avro Type 722 Atlantic was a 1952 proposal (announced in June 1953) for a 120-passenger delta-winged airliner based on the Type 698.

Avro Type 732

The Avro 732 was a 1956 proposal for a supersonic development of the Vulcan and would have been powered by 8 de Havilland Gyron Junior engines. Unlike the proposed Avro 721 low-level bomber of 1952 or the Avro 730 supersonic stainless steel canard bomber dating from 1954 (cancelled in 1957 before completion of the prototype), the Type 732 showed its Vulcan heritage.

Vulcan Phase 6 (Vulcan B.3)

In 1960, the Air Staff approached Avro with a request into a study for a patrol missile carrier armed with up to six Skybolt missiles capable of a mission length of 12 hours. Avro’s submission in May 1960 was the Phase 6 Vulcan, which if built would have been the Vulcan B.3.

The aircraft was fitted with an enlarged wing of 121 ft (37 m) span with increased fuel capacity; additional fuel tanks in a dorsal spine; a new main undercarriage to carry an all-up-weight of 339,000 lb (154,000 kg); and reheated Olympus 301s of 30,000 lbf (130 kN) thrust. An amended proposal of October 1960 inserted a 10 ft 9 in (3.28 m) plug into the forward fuselage with capacity for six crew members including a relief pilot, all facing forwards on ejection seats, and aft-fan versions of the Olympus 301.

Export proposals

Other countries expressed interest in purchasing Vulcans but, as with the other V-bombers, no foreign sales materialised.

Australia

As early as 1954, Australia recognised that the English Electric Canberra was becoming outdated and evaluated aircraft such as the Avro Vulcan and Handley-Page Victor as potential replacements.[59] Political pressure for a Canberra replacement rose to a head in 1962; at which point more modern types such as the BAC TSR-2, General Dynamics F-111C, and North American A-5 Vigilante had become available. The RAF would have transferred several V-bombers, including Vulcans, for interim use by the Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) if they had purchased the TSR-2, but the RAAF selected the F-111C.

Argentina

In the early 1980s, Argentina approached the UK with a proposal to buy a number of Vulcans. An application, made in September 1981, requested the ‘early availability’ of a ‘suitable aircraft’. With some reluctance, British ministers approved the export of a single aircraft, but emphasised that clearance had not been given for the sale of a larger number.

A letter from the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office to the Ministry of Defence in January 1982 stated that little prospect was seen of this happening without ascertaining the Argentine interest and whether such interest was genuine: ‘On the face of it, a strike aircraft would be entirely suitable for an attack on the Falklands.’ Argentina invaded the Falkland Islands less than three months later, after which a British embargo on the sale of any military equipment was quickly imposed, ending the prospect of any sale.

Design

Overview

Despite its radical and unusual shape, the airframe was built along traditional lines. Except for the most highly stressed parts, the whole structure was manufactured from standard grades of light alloy. The airframe was broken down into a number of major assemblies: the centre section, a rectangular box containing the bomb-bay and engine bays bounded by the front and rear spars and the wing transport joints; the intakes and centre fuselage; the front fuselage, incorporating the pressure cabin; the nose; the outer wings; the leading edges; the wing trailing edge and tail end of the fuselage; the wings were not sealed and used directly as fuel tankage, but carried bladders for fuel in the void spaces of the wings; and there was a single swept tail fin with a single rudder on the trailing edge.

A five-man crew, the first pilot, co-pilot, navigator radar, navigator plotter and air electronics officer (AEO) was accommodated within the pressure cabin on two levels; the pilots sitting on Martin-Baker 3K (3KS on the B.2) ejection seats whilst on the lower level, the other crew sat facing rearwards and would abandon the aircraft via the entrance door. The original B35/46 specification sought a jettisonable crew compartment, this requirement was removed in a subsequent amendment, the rear crew’s escape system was often an issue of controversy, such as when a practical refit scheme was rejected.

A rudimentary sixth seat forward of the navigator radar was provided for an additional crew member; the B.2 had an additional seventh seat opposite the sixth seat and forward of the AEO. These seats were no more than cushions, a full harness and an oxygen and intercom facility. The visual bomb-aimer’s compartment could be fitted with a T4 (Blue Devil) bombsight, in many B.2s this space housed a vertically mounted Vinten F95 Mk.10 camera for assessing simulated low-level bombing runs.

Fuel was carried in 14 bag tanks, four in the centre fuselage above and to the rear of the nosewheel bay and five in each outer wing. The tanks were split into four groups of almost equal capacity, each normally feeding its respective engine though cross-feeding was possible. The centre of gravity was automatically maintained by electric timers which sequenced the booster pumps on the tanks. B.2 aircraft could be fitted with one or two additional fuel tanks in the bomb-bay.

Despite being designed before a low radar cross-section (RCS) and other stealth factors were ever a consideration, a Royal Aircraft Establishment technical note of 1957 stated that of all the aircraft so far studied, the Vulcan appeared by far the simplest radar echoing object, due to its shape: only one or two components contributed significantly to the echo at any aspect, compared with three or more on most other types.

Colour schemes

The two prototype Vulcans were finished in gloss white. Early Vulcan B.1s left the factory in a natural metal finish; the front half of the nose radome was painted black, the rear half painted silver. Front-line Vulcan B.1s had a finish of anti-flash white and RAF “type D” roundels. Front-line Vulcan B.1As and B.2s were similar but with ‘type D pale’ roundels.

With the adoption of low-level attack profiles in the mid-1960s, B.1As and B.2s were given a glossy sea grey medium and dark green disruptive pattern camouflage on the upper surfaces, white undersurfaces and “type D” roundels. (The last 13 Vulcan B.2s, XM645 onwards, were delivered thus from the factory). In the mid-1970s: Vulcan B.2s received a similar scheme with matte camouflage, light aircraft grey undersides, and “low-visibility” roundels; B.2(MRR)s received a similar scheme in gloss; and the front half of the radomes were no longer painted black. Beginning in 1979, 10 Vulcans received a wrap-around camouflage of dark sea grey and dark green because, during Red Flag exercises in the US, defending SAM forces had found that the grey-painted undersides of the Vulcan became much more visible against the ground at high angles of bank.

Avionics

The original Vulcan B.1 radio fit was: two 10-channel VHF transmitter/receivers (TR-1985/TR-1986) and a 24-channel HF transmitter-receiver (STR-18). The Vulcan B.1A also featured a UHF transmitter-receiver (ARC-52). The initial B.2 radio fit was similar to the B.1A though it was ultimately fitted with the ARC-52, a V/UHF transmitter/receiver (PTR-175), and a single-sideband modulation HF transmitter-receiver (Collins 618T).

The navigation and bombing system (NBS) comprised an H2S Mk9 radar and a navigation bombing computer (NBC) Mk1. Other navigation aids included a Marconi radio compass (ADF), GEE Mk3, Green Satin Doppler radar to determine the groundspeed and drift angle, radio and radar altimeters, and an instrument landing system.[85] TACAN replaced GEE in the B.1A and B.2 in 1964 . Decca Doppler 72 replaced Green Satin in the B.2 around 1969[89] A continuous display of the aircraft’s position was maintained by a ground position indicator (GPI).

Vulcan B.2s were eventually fitted with the twin-gyro free-running gyroscopic heading reference system (HRS) Mk.2, based upon the inertial platform of the Blue Steel missile, which had been integrated into the system when the missile had been carried. With the HRS a navigator’s heading unit (NHU) was provided which enabled the navigator plotter to adjust the aircraft heading, through the autopilot, by as little as 0.1 degrees. The B.2 (MRR) was additionally fitted with the LORAN C navigation system.

The original ECM fit as fitted to the B.1A and B.2 was: one Green Palm voice communications’ jammer; two Blue Diver metric jammers; three Red Shrimp S-band jammers; a Blue Saga passive warning receiver with four aerials (PWR); a Red Steer tail warning radar; and window (chaff) dispensers. The bulk of the equipment was carried in a large extended tail cone, and a flat ECM aerial counterpoise plate mounted between the starboard tailpipes. Later equipment on the B.2 included: an L band jammer (replacing a Red Shrimp); the ARI 18146 X-band jammer; replacing the Green Palm; the improved Red Steer Mk.2; infra-red decoys (flares); and the ARI 18228 PWR with its aerials that gave a squared top to the fin.

he aircraft was controlled by a fighter-type control stick and rudder bar which operated the powered flying controls (PFCs). Each PFC had a single electro-hydraulic powered flying control unit (PFCU) except the rudder which had two, one running as a back-up. Artificial feel and autostabilisation in the form of pitch and yaw dampers were provided, as well as an auto mach trimmer.

The flight instruments in the B.1 were traditional and included G4B compasses; Mk.4 artificial horizons; and zero reader flight display instruments. The B.1 had a Smiths Mk10 autopilot. In the B.2, these features were incorporated into the Smiths Military Flight System (MFS), the pilots’ components being: two beam compasses; two director-horizons; and a Mk.10A or Mk.10B autopilot. From 1966, B.2s were fitted with the ARI 5959 Terrain-following radar (TFR), built by General Dynamics, its commands being fed into the director-horizons.

The B.1 had four elevators (inboard) and four ailerons (outboard). In the B.2, these were replaced by eight elevons. The Vulcan was also fitted with six electrically operated three-position (retracted, medium drag, high drag) airbrakes, four in the upper centre section and two in the lower. There were originally four lower airbrakes but the outboard two were deleted before the aircraft entered service. A brake parachute was installed inside the tail cone.

Electrical and hydraulic systems

The main electrical system on the B.1/B.1A was 112 V DC supplied by four 22.5kW engine-driven starter-generators. Backup power was provided by four 24 V 40 Ah batteries connected in series providing 96 V. Secondary electrical systems were 28 V DC, single-phase 115 V AC at 1600 Hz, and three-phase 115 V AC at 400 Hz, driven by transformers and inverters from the main system. The 28 V DC system was backed up by a single 24 V battery.

For greater efficiency and higher reliability,[109] the main system on the B.2 was changed to three-phase 200 V AC at 400 Hz supplied by four 40 kVA engine-driven constant speed alternators. Engine starting was then by air-starters supplied from a Palouste compressor on the ground. Standby supplies in the event of a main AC failure were provided by a ram air turbine (RAT) driving a 17 kVA alternator that could operate from high altitudes down to 20,000 ft (6,100 m), and an airborne auxiliary power plant (AAPP),[110] a Rover gas turbine driving a 40kVA alternator, which could be started once the aircraft was below an altitude of 30,000 ft (9,100 m). Secondary electrical supplies were by transformer-rectifier units (TRUs) for 28 V DC and rotary frequency converters for the 115 V 1600 Hz single phase supplies.

The change to an AC system was a significant improvement. The Vulcan’s powered flying controls were hydraulically actuated but each powered flying control unit (PFCU) had a hydraulic pump which was driven by an electric motor. Because there was no manual reversion, a total electrical failure would result in a loss of control. The standby batteries on the B.1 were designed to give enough power for 20 minutes of flying time but this proved to be optimistic and two aircraft, XA891 and XA908, crashed as a result.

The main hydraulic system provided pressure for undercarriage raising and lowering and bogie trim; nosewheel centring and steering; wheelbrakes (fitted with Maxarets); bomb doors opening and closing; and (B.2 only) AAPP air scoop lowering. Hydraulic pressure was provided by three hydraulic pumps fitted to Nos. 1, 2 and 3 engines. An electrically operated hydraulic power pack (EHPP) could be used to operate the bomb doors and recharge the brake accumulators. A compressed air (later nitrogen) system was provided for emergency undercarriage lowering.

Engine

The Rolls-Royce Olympus, originally known as the “Bristol BE.10 Olympus”, is a two-spool axial-flow turbojet that powered the Vulcan. Each Vulcan had four engines buried in the wings, positioned in pairs close to the fuselage. The engine’s design began in 1947, intended to power the Bristol Aeroplane Company’s own rival design to the Vulcan. A serendipitous arrangement in air intakes could cause the Vulcan to emit a distinctive “howl” when the engines were at approximately 90% power, which can be heard as the aircraft performs a flypast, such as at public airshows.

As the prototype Vulcan VX770 was ready for flight prior to the Olympus being available, it first flew using Rolls-Royce Avon RA.3 engines of 6,500 lbf (29 kN) thrust. These were quickly replaced by Armstrong Siddeley Sapphire ASSa.6 engines of 7,500 lbf (33 kN) thrust.

VX770 later became a flying test bed for the Rolls-Royce Conway. The second prototype VX777 first flew with Olympus hundreds of 10,000 lbf (44 kN) thrust. It was subsequently re-engined with Olympus 101 engines of 11,000 lbf (49 kN) thrust.[122] When VX777 flew with a Phase 2C (B.2) wing in 1957, it was fitted with Olympus 102 engines of 12,000 lbf (53 kN) thrust.

Early B.1s were engined with the Olympus 101. Later aircraft were delivered with Olympus 102s. All Olympus 102s became the Olympus 104 of 13,000 lbf (58 kN) thrust on overhaul and ultimately 13,500 lbf (60 kN) thrust on uprating.[124] The first B.2 flew with the second-generation Olympus 200 of 16,000 lbf (71 kN) thrust,[125] design of which began in 1952.

Subsequent B.2s were engined with either the uprated Olympus 201 of 17,000 lbf (76 kN) thrust or the Olympus 301 of 21,000 lbf (93 kN) thrust. The Olympus 201 was designated 202 on being fitted with a rapid air starter. The engine would later be developed into a reheated (afterburning) powerplant for the cancelled supersonic BAC TSR-2 strike bomber and the supersonic passenger transport Concorde.

Operational history

In September 1956, the RAF received its first Vulcan B.1, XA897, which immediately embarked upon a round-the-world tour. The tour was to be an important demonstration of the range and capabilities of the aircraft, but it also had other benefits in the form of conducting goodwill visits in various countries; in later life Vulcans routinely visited various nations and distant parts of the former British Empire as a show of support and military protection.[128] This first tour, however, was struck by misfortune; on 1 October 1956, while landing in bad weather at London Heathrow Airport at the completion of the world tour, XA897 was destroyed in a fatal accident.

The first two aircraft were delivered to 230 OCU in January 1957 and the training of crews started on 21 February 1957; in the following months more aircraft were delivered to the OCU. The first OCU course to qualify was No. 1 Course, on 21 May 1957, and they went on to form the first flight of No. 83 Squadron. No. 83 Squadron was the first operational squadron to use the bomber, at first using borrowed Vulcans from the OCU, and on 11 July 1956 it received the first aircraft of its own. By September 1957, several Vulcans had been handed over to No. 83 Squadron The second OCU course also formed a Flight of 83 Squadron, but subsequent trained crews were also used to form the second bomber squadron, 101 Squadron. The last aircraft from the first batch of 25 aircraft had been delivered by the end of 1957 to 101 Squadron.

In order to increase the mission range and flight time for Vulcan operations, in-flight refuelling capabilities were added in 1959 onwards; several Valiant bombers were refurbished as tankers to refuel the Vulcans. Continuous airborne patrols proved untenable, however, and the refuelling mechanisms across the Vulcan fleet fell into disuse in the 1960s.

Both Vulcans and the other V-force aircraft routinely visited the Far East, in particular Singapore, where a fully equipped nuclear weapons storage facility had been constructed in 1959.

During the Indonesia–Malaysia confrontation Britain planned to deploy three squadrons of V-bomber aircraft and 48 Red Beard tactical nuclear weapons to the region; although this was ultimately decided against, Vulcans trained in the region for both conventional and nuclear missions. Britain regularly deployed Vulcans to the Far East as a part of their contribution to SEATO operations, often to test the defenses of friendly nations in joint exercises.

In the early 1970s, the RAF decided to permanently deploy two squadrons of Vulcans overseas in the Near East Air Force Bomber Wing, based at RAF Akrotiri in Cyprus; the Vulcans were withdrawn as Cypriot intercommunal violence intensified in the mid-1970s.

Vulcans flew some very long range missions. In June 1961, one of them took off from RAF Scampton to Sydney, with an 18,507 km long journey, flown in only a bit more than 20 hours and three air refuellings. Vulcans frequently visited the United States during the 1960s and 1970s to participate in air shows and static displays, as well as to participate in the Strategic Air Command’s Annual Bombing and Navigation Competition at such locations as Barksdale AFB, Louisiana and the former McCoy AFB, Florida, with the RAF crews representing Bomber Command and later Strike Command. Vulcans also took part in the 1960, 1961, and 1962 Operation Skyshield exercises, in which NORAD defences were tested against possible Soviet air attack, the Vulcans simulating Soviet fighter/bomber attacks against New York, Chicago and Washington. The results of the tests were classified until 1997.

The Vulcan proved quite successful during the 1974 “Giant Voice” exercise, in which it managed to avoid USAF interceptors.

Nuclear deterrent

As part of Britain’s independent nuclear deterrent, the Vulcan initially carried Britain’s first nuclear weapon, the Blue Danube gravity bomb. Blue Danube was a low-kiloton yield fission bomb designed before the United States detonated the first hydrogen bomb. These were supplemented by U.S.-owned Mk 5 bombs (made available under the Project E programme) and later by the British Red Beard tactical nuclear weapon.

The UK had previously embarked on its own hydrogen bomb programme, and to bridge the gap until these were ready the V-bombers were equipped with an Interim Megaton Weapon based on the Blue Danube casing containing Green Grass, a large pure-fission warhead of 400 kt (1.7 PJ) yield.

 This bomb was known as Violet Club.[138] Only five were deployed before the Green Grass warhead was incorporated into a developed weapon as Yellow Sun Mk.1.

The later Yellow Sun Mk 2, was fitted with Red Snow, a British-built variant of the U.S. W28 warhead. Yellow Sun Mk 2 was the first British thermonuclear weapon to be deployed, and was carried on both the Vulcan and Handley Page Victor. The Valiant retained U.S. nuclear weapons assigned to SACEUR under the dual-key arrangements. Red Beard was pre-positioned in Singapore for use by Vulcan and Victor bombers. From 1962, three squadrons of Vulcan B.2s and two squadrons of Victor B.2s were armed with the Blue Steel missile, a rocket-powered stand-off bomb, which was also fitted with the 1.1 Mt (4.6 PJ) yield Red Snow warhead.

Operationally, RAF Bomber Command and the U.S. Strategic Air Command cooperated in the Single Integrated Operational Plan (SIOP) to ensure coverage of all major Soviet targets from 1958, 108 aircraft of the RAF’s V-Bombers were assigned targets under SIOP by the end of 1959.

From 1962 onwards, two jets in every major RAF base were armed with nuclear weapons and on standby permanently under the principle of Quick Reaction Alert (QRA).[143] Vulcans on QRA standby were to be airborne within four minutes of receiving an alert, as this was identified as the amount of time between warning of a USSR nuclear strike being launched and it arriving in Britain.

The closest the Vulcan came to taking part in potential nuclear conflict was during the Cuban Missile Crisis in October 1962, where Bomber Command was moved to Alert Condition 3, an increased state of preparedness from normal operations; however, it stood down in early November.

The Vulcans were intended to be equipped with the American Skybolt Air Launched Ballistic Missile to replace the Blue Steel, with Vulcan B.2s carrying two Skybolts under the wings; the last 28 B.2s were modified on the production line to fit pylons to carry the Skybolt.

A B.3 variant with increased wingspan to carry up to six Skybolts was proposed in 1960. When the Skybolt missile system was cancelled by U.S. President John F. Kennedy on the recommendation of his Secretary of Defense, Robert McNamara in 1962, precipitating the Skybolt Crisis, Blue Steel was retained. To supplement it until the Royal Navy took on the deterrent role with Polaris ICBM-equipped submarines, the Vulcan bombers adopted a new mission profile of flying high during clear transit, dropping down low to avoid enemy defences on approach, and deploying a parachute-retarded bomb, the WE.177B.

However, since the aircraft had been designed for high-altitude flight, at low altitudes it could not exceed 350 knots. RAF Air Vice Marshal Ron Dick, a former Vulcan pilot, said “it is [thus] questionable whether it could have been effective flying at low level in a war against … the Soviet Union.”

After the British Polaris submarines became operational and Blue Steel was taken out of service in 1970, the Vulcan continued to carry WE.177B in a tactical nuclear strike role as part of the British contribution to Europe’s standing NATO forces, although they no longer held aircraft at 15 minutes’ readiness in peacetime.

Two squadrons were also stationed in Cyprus as part of the Near East Air Force and assigned to Central Treaty Organization in a strategic strike role. With the eventual demise of the WE.177B and the Vulcan bombers, the Blackburn Buccaneer, SEPECAT Jaguar, and Panavia Tornado continued with the WE.177C until its retirement in 1998. While not a like-for-like replacement, the multi-role Tornado interdictor/strike bomber is the successor for the roles previously filled by the Vulcan.

Conventional role

Vulcan XM597 at the National Museum of Flight, Scotland; note the Operation Black Buck markings and the small Brazilian flag indicating the aircraft’s internment in Brazil.

Although in operational use the Vulcan typically carried various nuclear armaments, the type also had a secondary conventional role. While performing conventional combat missions, the Vulcan could carry up to 21 1,000 lb (454 kg) bombs inside its bomb bay. From the 1960s, the various Vulcan squadrons would routinely conduct conventional training missions; the aircrews were expected to be able to perform conventional bombing missions in addition to the critical nuclear strike mission the Vulcan normally performed.

The Vulcan’s only combat missions took place towards the end of the type’s service in 1982. During the Falklands War, the Vulcan was deployed against Argentinian forces which had occupied the Falkland Islands. The missions performed by the Vulcan became known as the Black Buck raids, each aircraft had to fly 3,889 mi (6,259 km) from Ascension Island to reach Stanley on the Falklands. Victor tankers conducted the necessary air-to-air refuelling for the Vulcan to cover the distance involved; approximately 1,100,000 imp gal (5,000,000 l) of fuel was used in each mission.

Five Vulcans were selected to participate in the operation. In order to do so, each aircraft had to receive various last-minute adaptations; including modifications to the bomb bay, the reinstatement of the long out-of-use in-flight refuelling system, the installation of a new navigational system derived from the Vickers VC10, and the updating of several onboard electronics. Underneath the wings, new pylons were fitted to carry an ECM pod and Shrike anti-radar missiles at wing hardpoint locations; these hardpoints had originally been installed for the purpose of carrying the cancelled Skybolt nuclear missile. Engineering work to retrofit these Vulcans had begun on 9 April.

On 1 May, the first mission was conducted by a single Vulcan (XM607) that flew over Port Stanley and dropped its bombs on the airfield concentrating on the single runway, with one direct hit, making it unsuitable for fighter aircraft. The Vulcan’s mission was quickly followed up by strikes against anti-air installations, flown by British Aerospace Sea Harriers from nearby Royal Navy carriers. Three Vulcan missions were flown against the airfield, a further two missions in which missiles were launched against radar installations; an additional two missions were cancelled.

At the time, these missions held the record for the world’s longest-distance raids. The ECM systems on board the Vulcans proved to be effective at jamming Argentine radars; while a Vulcan was within the theatre, other British aircraft in the vicinity had a greatly reduced chance of coming under effective fire.

On 3 June 1982, Vulcan B.2 XM597 of No. 50 Squadron took part in the “Black Buck 6” mission against Argentinian radar sites at Stanley airfield on the Falkland Islands. While attempting to refuel for its return journey to Ascension Island, the probe broke, leaving the Vulcan with insufficient fuel, forcing a diversion to Galeão Air Force Base, Rio de Janeiro in neutral Brazil. En route, secret papers were dumped along with the two remaining AGM-45 Shrike missiles, although one failed to launch. After a mayday call, the Vulcan, escorted by Brazilian Air Force Northrop F-5 fighters, was permitted an emergency landing at Rio with very little fuel left on board. The Vulcan and her crew were detained until the end of hostilities nine days later.

Reconnaissance

In November 1973, as a result of the planned closure of the Victor SR.2 equipped No. 543 Squadron, No. 27 Squadron reformed at RAF Scampton equipped with the Vulcan as a replacement in the maritime radar reconnaissance role. The squadron carried out patrols of the seas around the British Isles, including the strategically important GIUK gap between Iceland and the United Kingdom, flying at high level and using the Vulcan’s H2S radar to monitor shipping. In peacetime, this could be followed up by visual identification and photography of targets of interest at low level. In wartime, a Vulcan would leave visual identification of potential targets to Buccaneers or Canberras, and could coordinate attacks by Buccaneers against hostile shipping. Though initially equipped with a number of B.2 aircraft, the Squadron eventually operated nine B.2 (MRR) aircraft (also known by the unofficial designation SR.2).

The aircraft were modified for the role by removing the Terrain Following Radar (and its thimble radome) and adding the LORAN C radio navigation aid. The main external visual difference was the presence of a gloss paint finish, with a light grey undersurface, to protect against sea spray.

The squadron also inherited its secondary role of air sampling from No. 543 Squadron.

This involved flying through plumes of airborne contamination and using onboard equipment to collect fallout released from both above ground and underground nuclear tests for later analysis at the Atomic Weapons Research Establishment at Aldermaston. Five aircraft had small pylons fitted to the redundant Skybolt hardpoints, which could be used to carry sampling pods modified from drop tanks.

 These pods would collect the needed samples on a filter, while an additional smaller “localiser” pod was fitted to the port wing, inboard of the main pylons.

The squadron disbanded at Scampton in March 1982, passing on its radar reconnaissance duties to the RAF’s Nimrods.

Aerial refuelling role

After the end of the Falklands War in 1982, the Vulcan B.2 was due to be withdrawn from RAF service that year. However, the Falklands campaign had consumed much of the airframe fatigue life of the RAF’s Victor tankers. While Vickers VC10 tanker conversions had been ordered in 1979 and Lockheed TriStar tankers would be ordered after the conflict, as a stopgap measure six Vulcans were converted into single point tankers. The Vulcan tanker conversion was accomplished by removing the jammers from the ECM bay in the tail of the aircraft, and replacing them with a single Hose Drum Unit. An additional cylindrical bomb-bay tank was fitted, making a total of three, giving a fuel capacity of almost 100,000 lb (45,000 kg).

The go-ahead for converting the six aircraft was given on 4 May Just 50 days after being ordered, the first Vulcan tanker, XH561, was delivered to RAF Waddington. The Vulcan K.2s were operated by No. 50 Squadron, along with three Vulcan B.2s, in support of UK air defence activities until it was disbanded in March 1984.

Vulcan Display Flight

Vulcan B.2 in formation with the Red Arrows, 2015

After the disbandment of No. 50 Squadron, two Vulcans continued flying with the RAF in air displays as part of the Vulcan Display Flight, based at Waddington but administered through No. 55 Squadron, based at RAF Marham. Initially displaying using XL426, in 1986 that aircraft was sold, having been replaced by XH558, which began displays in 1985. The VDF continued with XH558 until 1992, finishing operations after the Ministry of Defence determined it was too costly to run in light of budget cuts. Both aircraft subsequently entered preservation and survived, although a third, XH560, kept in reserve in the first years, was later scrapped.

Engine test beds

The first prototype VX770 had its Sapphire engines replaced with four 15,000 lbf (67 kN) Rolls-Royce Conway RCo.7 turbofans in 1957. It was transferred to Rolls-Royce as the Conway test bed.[176] It flew with the Conways, the first turbofans in the world, until its fatal crash in September 1958.

The first Vulcan B.1 XA889 was used for the flight clearances of the Olympus 102 and 104.
Vulcan B.1 XA891 was fitted with four Olympus 200 engines in the spring of 1958 for intensive flying trials. The aircraft crashed in July 1958 during a routine test flight.

Vulcan B.1 XA894 flew with five Olympus engines, the standard four Mk.101s, plus a reheated Olympus 320 destined for the BAC TSR-2 in an underslung nacelle. This aircraft was destroyed in a ground fire at Filton on 3 December 1962.

Vulcan B.1 XA896 was withdrawn from RAF service in June 1964 and transferred to be converted to the test bed for the Bristol Siddeley BS100 vectored thrust turbofan for the Hawker Siddeley P.1154. The P.1154 was cancelled in February 1965 and XA896 was scrapped before being converted.

Vulcan B.1 XA902 was withdrawn from RAF service after a landing accident in 1958. After rebuilding, it replaced VX770 as the Conway test bed, fitted with four RCo.11s. The two inner Conways were replaced with Rolls-Royce Speys, flying for the first time in this configuration on 12 October 1961.

Vulcan B.2 XH557 was used by BSEL for developing the Olympus 301 and first flew with the larger engine in May 1961. It was returned to Woodford in 1964 to be refurbished for the RAF.

Variants

B.1

The initial production aircraft. First few with straight leading edge, later retrofitted with Phase 2 (kinked) wing. Early examples finished in silver, later changed to “anti-flash” white. Many converted to B.1A standard 1959–1963. Last few unmodified B.1s in RAF service with No. 230 OCU retired by 1966. Last flight by any B.1, an engine testbed XA903, March 1979.

B.1A

The B.1 with an Electronic Countermeasures (ECM) system in a new larger tail cone (as in B.2). Unlike the B.2, the B.1As did not undergo extensive wing strengthening for low-level flying and were withdrawn from service 1966–67.

B.2

Developed version of the B.1. Larger, thinner wing than the B.1 (Phase 2C wing) and fitted with Olympus 201-202 engines of 17,000 lbf (76 kN) each, or Olympus 301 engines of 20,000 lbf (89 kN) each. Uprated electrics with Auxiliary Airborne Power Plant (AAPP) (Auxiliary power unit) and Ram Air Turbine (RAT). ECM similar to B.1A. Terrain-Following Radar (TFR) in nose thimble radome fitted to most aircraft in mid-60s. New Radar warning receiver aerials on tail fin giving it a square top from the mid-1970s.

B.2 (MRR)

Nine B.2s converted to Maritime Radar Reconnaissance (MRR). TFR deleted. Five aircraft further modified for Air Sampling Role. Distinctive gloss finish with light grey underside.

K.2

Six B.2s converted for air-to-air refuelling with Mark 17 Hose Drum Unit (HDU) mounted semi-recessed in tail cone. TFR deleted. Fitted with three bomb-bay drum tanks, it was the only mark of Vulcan that could jettison fuel in an emergency.

B.3

Proposed version intended as a long endurance missile carrier capable of carrying up to six Skybolt ALBMs on flights of up to 12 hours duration. Never built.

Production

A total of 134 production Vulcans were assembled at Woodford Aerodrome, 45 to the B.1 design and 89 were B.2 models, the last being delivered to the RAF in January 1965.

Contract Date Quantity Variant Notes

6 July 1948 2 Prototypes Two prototypes delivered in August 1952 and September 1953

14 August 1952 25 Vulcan B.1 First flight of production aircraft 4 February 1955, delivered between June 1955 and December 1957.

30 September 1954 20 Vulcan B.1 Delivered between January 1958 and April 1959.

30 September 1954 17 Vulcan B.2 Delivered between September 1959 and December 1960

31 March 1955 8 Vulcan B.2 Delivered between January and May 1961

25 February 1956 24 Vulcan B.2 Delivered between July 1961 and November 1962

22 January 1958 40 Vulcan B.2 Delivered between February 1963 and January 1965, one aircraft not flown and used as a static test airframe
Total 136

Operators

The Vulcan to the Sky Trust’s Avro Vulcan XH558

United Kingdom
Aeroplane and Armament Experimental Establishment aircraft used for trials and evaluation
Royal Air Force

No. 9 Squadron RAF (Operated the B.2 from 1962 to 1982)

No. 12 Squadron RAF (Operated the B.2 from 1962 to 1967)

No. 27 Squadron RAF (Operated the B.2 from 1961 to 1972 and the B.2 (MRR) from 1973 to 1982)

No. 35 Squadron RAF (Operated the B.2 from 1962 to 1982)

No. 44 Squadron RAF (Operated the B.1/B.1A from 1960 to 1967 and the B.2 from 1966 to 1982)

No. 50 Squadron RAF (Operated the B.1/B.1A from 1961 to 1966, the B.2 from 1966 to 1984 and the K.2 from 1982 to 1984)

No. 83 Squadron RAF (the first Vulcan squadron operated the B.1/B.1A from 1957 to 1960 and the B.2 from 1960 to 1969)

No. 101 Squadron RAF (Operated the B.1/B1A from 1957 to 1967 and the B.2 from 1967 to 1982)

No. 617 Squadron RAF (Operated the B.1/B1A from 1958 to 1961 and the B.2 from 1961 to 1981)

No. 230 Operational Conversion Unit RAF from 1956 to 1981. The first unit to operate the Vulcan, it provided conversion to type and operational training for Vulcan aircrew

Bomber Command Development Unit

Vulcan To The Sky Trust (flying G-VLCN (formerly XH558) currently based at Doncaster Sheffield Airport)

Aircraft were also operated at various times under the direction of the Ministry of Supply/Aviation for trials and evaluation by Avro, Bristol Siddeley Engines, Rolls-Royce and the Blind Landing Experimental Unit (BLEU).

Bases

RAF Akrotiri in Cyprus was the base for two operational B.2 squadrons from 1969 to 1975

9 Squadron 1969–1975, moved from Cottesmore in 1969 it returned to the UK in 1975 to Waddington.

35 Squadron 1969–1975, moved from Cottesmore in 1969 it returned to the UK in 1975 to Scampton.

RAF Coningsby was the base for three operational squadrons from 1962 to 1964

9 Squadron 1962–1964, formed in 1962 to operate the B.2 it moved to Cottesmore in 1964.

12 Squadron 1962–1964, formed in 1962 to operate the B.2 it moved to Cottesmore in 1964.

35 Squadron 1962–1964, formed in 1962 to operate the B.2 it moved to Cottesmore in 1964.

Avro Vulcans of No 617 Squadron at RAF Cottesmore circa 1975

RAF Cottesmore was the base for three operational squadrons from 1964 to 1969

9 Squadron 1964–1969, moved in from Coningsby in 1964, it moved to Akrotiri in 1969.

12 Squadron 1964–1967, moved in from Coningsby in 1964 until it disbanded in 1967.

35 Squadron 1964–1969, moved in from Coningsby in 1964, it moved to Akrotiri 1969.

RAF Finningley

101 Squadron 1957–1961, formed in 1957 to be the second operational B.1 squadron, moved to Waddington in 1961.
230 OCU 1961–1969, moved from Waddington in 1961, moved to Scampton in 1969.

RAF Scampton was the base for four operational squadrons at different times between 1961 and 1982

27 Squadron 1961–1972, formed in 1961 to operate the B.2 until it disbanded in 1972. Reformed in 1973 to operate the B.2 (MRR) variant until 1982.
35 Squadron 1975–1982, moved from Akrotiri in 1975 and operated the B.2 until it disbanded in March 1982.

83 Squadron 1960–1969, a former B.1/B.1A squadron at Waddington, reformed in 1960 to operate the B.2 until disbanded in 1969.

617 Squadron 1958–1981, formed in 1958 to operate the B.1, reformed to operate the B.2 in 1961 until disbanded in 1981.

230 OCU 1969–1981, moved from Finningley in 1969 until disbanded in 1981.

RAF Waddington was the base for a number of operational squadrons at different times between 1957 and 1984, it was the first and last operational Vulcan base

9 Squadron 1975–1982, moved in from Akrotiri in 1975 until it was disbanded 1982.

44 Squadron 1960–1982, formed in 1960 to operate the B.1/B.1A, it converted to the B.2 in 1966 and disbanded in 1982.

50 Squadron 1961–1984, formed in 1961 to operate the B.1/B.1A, it converted to the B.2 in 1966, from 1982 it also flew the tanker version until disbanding in 1984.

83 Squadron 1957–1960, formed in 1957 to be the first operational squadron to operate the B.1 until 1960, it reformed at Scampton later in the year as a B.2 unit.

101 Squadron 1961–1982, moved from Finningley in 1961 with the B.1/B.1A, converted to B.2 in 1967 and disbanded in 1982.[207]
230 OCU 1956–1961, formed in 1956 to train Vulcan crews it moved to Finningley in 1961.

V-Bomber dispersal airfields

Avro Vulcan B Mk 2.svg

List of V Bomber dispersal Airfields

In the event of transition to war, the V Bomber squadrons were to deploy four aircraft at short notice to each of 26 pre-prepared dispersal airfields around the United Kingdom. In the early 1960s the RAF ordered 20 Beagle Basset communication aircraft to move the crews to dispersal airfields; the importance of these aircraft was only brief, diminishing when the primary nuclear deterrent switched to the Royal Navy’s Polaris Missile.

Accidents and incidents

On 1 October 1956, Vulcan B.1 XA897, the first to be delivered, crashed at London Heathrow Airport during Operation Tasman Flight, a flag-waving trip to Australia and New Zealand. After a ground-controlled approach in bad weather, it struck the ground 700 yd (640 m) short of the runway just as engine power was applied.

The impact probably broke the drag links on the main undercarriage, allowing the undercarriage to be forced backwards and damaged the wing’s trailing edge. After the initial impact, XA897 rose back in the air.

 The pilot, Squadron Leader D. R. Howard, and co-pilot Air Marshal Sir Harry Broadhurst, AOC-in-C Bomber Command, both ejected and survived, the other four occupants (including a spare pilot and an Avro representative) were killed when the aircraft hit the ground again and broke up.

In 1957, a Vulcan B.1 XA892 attached to the Aeroplane and Armament Experimental Establishment (A&AEE) at Boscombe Down for acceptance testing was unintentionally flown to an Indicated Mach Number (IMN) above 1.04, alarming the crew that it had reached supersonic speed. XA892’s commander, Flt Lt Milt Cottee (RAAF), and co-pilot, Flt Lt Ray Bray (RAF), were tasked to fly at 478 mph (769 km/h) and 0.98 IMN, taking the aircraft to a load factor of 3 g. It climbed to 35,000 ft (11,000 m) and then dived, intending to reach the target speed at 27,000 ft (8,200 m). Approaching the target altitude, the throttles were closed and full up-elevator applied, but XA892 continued to pitch nose-down. Cottee contemplated pushing forward to go inverted and then rolling upright; instead, he opened the speed brakes. Although the airspeed was above their maximum operating speed, the speed brakes were undamaged and did slow the aircraft, which came back past the vertical at about 18,000 ft (5,500 m) and leveled off at 8,000 ft (2,400 m). There were no reports of a sonic boom, it is unlikely a true Mach Number of 1.0 was reached.

 Afterwards, a rear bulkhead was found to be deformed.

The prototype Vulcan VX770 in 1954, retaining the original “pure delta” wing shape

On 20 September 1958, prototype Vulcan VX770 was flown by a Rolls-Royce test pilot on an engine performance sortie with a fly past at RAF Syerston Battle of Britain At Home display. It flew along the main runway then started a roll to starboard and climbed slightly, during which the starboard wing disintegrated and the main spar collapsed. VX770 went into a dive with the starboard wing on fire and struck the ground, killing three occupants of a controllers’ caravan and all four crew on board. Proposed causes of the structural failure have included pilot error, metal fatigue due to air intake vibration, and inadequate maintenance.

On 24 October 1958, Vulcan B.1 XA908 of No. 83 Squadron crashed east of Detroit, Michigan, USA. A complete electrical failure occurred at around 30,000 ft (9,100 m). The backup system should have provided 20 minutes of emergency power, allowing XA908 to reach one of several airports in the area, but backup power lasted only three minutes due to a short circuit in the service busbar, locking the controls. Bound for Lincoln AFB in Nebraska, XA908 went into a steep dive before crashing, leaving a forty-foot (12 m) crater in the ground, which was later excavated while retrieving wreckage. Despite extensive property damage, there were no ground fatalities, only one person on the ground was hospitalized. All six crew members were killed, including the co-pilot, who had ejected. The co-pilot’s ejection seat was found in Lake St Clair, but his body was not recovered until the following spring.

They were buried at Oak Ridge Cemetery in Trenton, Michigan, alongside 11 RAF student pilots killed during the Second World War in accidents at nearby Naval Air Station Grosse Ile.

On 24 July 1959, Vulcan B.1 XA891 crashed due to an electrical failure during an engine test. Shortly after take-off, the crew observed generator warning lights and loss of busbar voltage. The aircraft commander, Avro Chief Test Pilot Jimmy Harrison, climbed XA891 to 14,000 ft (4,300 m), steering away from the airfield and populated areas while the AEO attempted to solve the problem. When it became clear that control would not be regained, Harrison instructed the rear compartment crew to exit the aircraft and the co-pilot to eject, before ejecting himself.

All the crew survived, making them the first complete Vulcan crew to successfully escape. The aircraft crashed near Kingston upon Hull.

On 26 October 1959, Vulcan B.1 XH498 participated in an airshow marking the opening of Wellington International Airport, formerly Rongotai Airport. After a ‘ touch-and-go landing’ on Runway 34, it came around for a full stop landing. Turbulence and wind shear caused XH498 to land short of the runway threshold. The port undercarriage leg clipped the embankment at the Moa Point or southern end, damaging wing attachments, engine fuel lines and the main landing gear drag link, which was ruptured and unable to support the aircraft. The port wing tip nearly scraped the runway surface before it was able to lift off again, spilling fuel over the crowd. Pilot actions prevented a possible disaster as spectators were present on the western apron. XH498 flew to RNZAF Ohakea for a safe emergency landing on just the nose and starboard landing gear with little further damage. A UK repair team returned it to airworthiness; on 4 January 1960, XH498 departed, remaining in service until 19 October 1967.

On 16 September 1960, Vulcan B.2 XH557 damaged the “Runway Garage” at Filton. XH557 had been allocated to Bristol Siddeley Engines to test the Olympus 301 engine and was being delivered to Filton. Approaching in poor weather conditions, the aircraft touched down halfway along the runway. The braking parachute was streamed but realising the aircraft would not stop in time, the captain opened the throttles to go round. The Runway Garage took the full force of the jet blast and property damage was sustained: four petrol pumps were blown flat, a street light on the A38 was knocked down, railings were blown over, and multiple cars had their windscreens shattered. The aircraft diverted to St. Mawgan, flying into Filton days later.

On 12 June 1963, Vulcan B.1A XH477 of No. 50 Squadron crashed in Aberdeenshire, Scotland. During a low-level exercise, the Vulcan was flown into terrain. All five crewmembers were killed.

On 11 May 1964, Vulcan B.2 XH535 crashed during a demonstration. The aircraft entered a spin while a very low speed and high rate of descent was being demonstrated. The landing parachute was deployed, stopping the spin briefly before it began to spin again. At around 2,500 ft (760 m) the aircraft commander instructed the crew to abandon the aircraft. The commander and co-pilot ejected successfully, but none of the rear compartment crew did so, presumably due to the g forces in the spin.

On 16 July 1964, Vulcan B.1A XA909 crashed in Anglesey after a midair explosion caused both No. 3 and No. 4 engines to be shut down. The explosion was caused by failure of a bearing in No. 4 engine. The starboard wing was extensively damaged, the pilot had insufficient aileron power, and both airspeed indications were highly inaccurate. The whole crew successfully abandoned XA909 and were found within a few minutes and rescued.

On 7 October 1964, Vulcan B.2 XM601 crashed during overshoot from an asymmetric power practice approach at Coningsby. The copilot had executed the asymmetric power approach with two engines producing thrust and two at idle. He was being checked by the Squadron Commander, who was unfamiliar with the aircraft. When he commenced the overshoot the copilot moved all the throttles to full power. The engines that had been producing power reached full power more quickly than the engines at idle and the resultant asymmetric thrust exceeded the available rudder authority, causing the aircraft to spin and crash. All the crew perished.

On 25 May 1965, Vulcan B.2 XM576 crash-landed at Scampton, causing it to be written off within a year of delivery.

On 11 February 1966, Vulcan B.2 XH536 of IX SQN Cottesmore Wing crashed in the Brecon Beacons during a low level exercise. The aircraft struck the ground at 1,910 ft (580 m) near the summit of Fan Bwlch Chwyth 1,978 ft (603 m), 20 mi (32 km) northeast of Swansea. All crew members died. Hilltops at the time were snow-covered and cloud extended down to 1,400 ft (430 m).

On 6 April 1967, Vulcan B.2 XL385 burnt out on the runway at RAF Scampton at the beginning of its take-off run. The aircraft was carrying a Blue Steel missile training round. All the crew, including an Air Training Corps cadet, escaped unhurt. The aircraft was engulfed in flames and totally destroyed. The accident was caused by failure of an Olympus 301 HP turbine disc as the engine reached full power.

On 30 January 1968, Vulcan B.2 XM604 crashed following a loss of control during an overshoot at RAF Cottesmore. The rear crew members were killed though both pilots ejected. The captain ejected at a very late stage and only survived because his deploying parachute was snagged by some power cables. The accident was caused by failure of an Olympus 301 LP turbine disc after the aircraft had returned to the airfield following indications of a bomb-bay overheat.

On 7 January 1971, Vulcan B.2 XM610 of No.44 Squadron crashed due to a blade fatigue failure in the No. 1 engine, damaging the fuel system and causing a fire. The crew abandoned the aircraft safely, after which it crashed harmlessly in Wingate.

On 14 October 1975, Vulcan B.2 XM645 of No.9 Squadron lost its left undercarriage and damaged the airframe when it undershot the runway at RAF Luqa in Malta. The aircraft broke up over the town of Żabbar while turning inbound for an emergency landing. The pilot and co-pilot escaped using their ejection seats, the other five crew members were killed. Large aircraft pieces fell on the town; one woman, Vincenza Zammit, was killed by an electric cable, some 20 others were injured.

On 17 January 1977, Vulcan B.2 XM600 of No. 101 Squadron crashed near Spilsby, Lincolnshire. During a practice emergency descent, the bomb bay fire warning light flashed on followed by No.2 engine fire warning light. The captain shut the engine down and the AEO reported flames coming from the area of No.2 engine, just behind the deployed Ram air turbine (RAT). As the fire intensified, the captain ordered the aircraft to be abandoned. The three rear crew members escaped at around 6,000 ft (1,800 m). After ordering the co-pilot to eject, the captain ejected at around 3,000 ft (910 m), as control was lost. The cause was due to arcing on the RAT’s electrical terminals, burning a hole in an adjacent fuel pipe and setting the fuel on fire.

On 12 August 1978, Vulcan B.2 XL390 of No. 617 Squadron crashed during an air display at Naval Air Station Glenview, Illinois in the United States. The crew had been authorized to carry out a display at Chicago’s Meigs Field airport; the captain had elected to carry out an unauthorized display at Glenview beforehand. After a low-level run, probably below 100 ft (30 m), the aircraft pulled up for an improperly executed wingover, resulting in a low-level stall and crash, killing all on board.

On 3 June 1982, Vulcan XM597 broke its probe while attempting to refuel in flight, while returning from a mission over the Falkland Islands. With insufficient fuel to reach its base on Ascension Island, the pilot discarded classified information over the Atlantic Ocean and diverted to Rio de Janeiro. Shortly after entering Brazilian airspace, the Brazilian Air Force sent two Northrop F-5s to escort the British plane until it landed on Galeão Air Force Base. This led to high-level diplomatic talks between the UK and Brazil, which remained neutral during the Falklands War. After seven days of detainment, the Vulcan and its crew were allowed to return home on the condition that XM597 play no further part in the conflict.

On 28 May 2012, Vulcan B.2 XH558 suffered failure of the two port engines while starting a take-off roll from Robin Hood airport, Doncaster, UK. Bags of silica gel desiccant were inadvertently left in the air intake after maintenance. Less than a second after increasing power from 80% to 100% these were ingested by one of the port engines, immediately destroying it. The remaining port engine ingested debris from the first engine, destroying this one as well. The fire prevention systems proved effective, neither the airframe nor control systems suffered damage. The pilot had no difficulty bringing the aircraft to a safe stop, having remained on the ground throughout. On 3 July 2012, XH558 returned to flight.

Surviving aircraft

List of surviving Avro Vulcans

XH558 performs its first post-restoration public display on 5 July 2008

XL426 standing in taxiable condition at London Southend Airport in 2008

Avro Vulcan XL361 on display at CFB Goose Bay in 1988

Several Vulcans survive, housed in museums in both the United Kingdom and North America (USA and Canada). One Vulcan, XH558 (G-VLCN) Spirit of Great Britain, was used as a display aircraft by the RAF as part of the Vulcan Display Flight until 1993. After being grounded, it was later restored to flight by the Vulcan To The Sky Trust and displayed as a civilian aircraft from 2008 until 2015, before being retired a second time for engineering reasons. In retirement, XH558 is to be retained at its base at Doncaster Sheffield Airport as a taxiable aircraft, a role already performed by two other survivors, XL426 (G-VJET) based at Southend Airport, and XM655 (G-VULC), based at Wellesbourne Mountford Airfield.

Specifications (B.1)

Data from Polmar, Laming

General characteristics

Crew: 5 (pilot, co-pilot, AEO, Navigator Radar, Navigator Plotter)

Length: 97 ft 1 in (29.59 m)

Wingspan: 99 ft 5 in (30.30 m)

Height: 26 ft 6 in (8.08 m)

Wing area: 3,554 sq ft (330.2 m2)

Airfoil: root: NACA 0010 mod.; tip: NACA 0008 mod.

Empty weight: 83,573 lb (37,908 kg) equipped and crewed

Max takeoff weight: 170,000 lb (77,111 kg)

Fuel capacity: 9,280 imp gal (11,140 US gal; 42,200 l); 74,240 lb (33,675 kg)

Powerplant: 4 × Bristol Olympus Mk.101 / Mk.102 / Mk.104 twin-spool turbojet engines, 11,000 lbf (49 kN) thrust each
Performance

Maximum speed: 561 kn (646 mph, 1,039 km/h) at altitude

Maximum speed: Mach 0.96

Cruise speed: 493 kn (567 mph, 913 km/h) / M0.86 at 45,000 feet (14,000 m)

Range: 2,265 nmi (2,607 mi, 4,195 km)

Service ceiling: 55,000 ft (17,000 m)

Thrust/weight: 0.31

Armament

21 × 1,000 pounds (454 kg) of conventional bombs

1 × Blue Danube nuclear gravity bomb

1 × Violet Club 400 kt nuclear gravity bomb

1 × U.S. Mark 5 nuclear gravity bomb supplied under Project E

1 × Yellow Sun Mk.1 400 kt nuclear gravity bomb

1 × Yellow Sun Mk.2 1.1 Mt thermonuclear gravity bomb

1 × Red Beard nuclear gravity bomb

1 × WE.177B parachute-retarded nuclear gravity bomb

Sourced from Wikipedia 

The Dickin Medal

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Sep 202020
 

The Dickin Medal

The Grave of “Titch”

PDSA’s founder, Maria Dickin, introduced the PDSA Dickin Medal in 1943. It is awarded to animals displaying conspicuous gallantry and devotion to duty while serving or associated with any branch of the Armed Forces or Civil Defence units, and is the animals’ equivalent to the Victoria Cross.

The medal, which is made of bronze, is embossed with the words For Gallantry and WE ALSO SERVE. The reverse is inscribed with details of the recipient. It is suspended from a ribbon of dark green, dark brown and pale blue, symbolic of the naval, military, civil defence and air forces. To date (1 May 2009) there have been 62 awards of the PDSA Dickin Medal to 32 pigeons, 26 dogs, three horses and one cat.

‘Tich’ was adopted by 1 KRRC during the fighting in the Western Desert in 1941. When the Battalion reached Algiers in 1943, ‘Tich’ was placed in the care of Rifleman Thomas Walker, accompanying him on the front line usually on the bonnet of a Bren gun carrier or stretcher jeep.

During the fighting in Italy Rifleman Walker, a ‘medic’, was awarded the Military Medal for a number of actions in which he either rescued or tended to injured men while under fire. On every occasion ‘Tich’ remained by his side, being wounded on a number of occasions, once very seriously.

Newspaper reports described ‘Tich’ as the brave dog of an outstandingly brave man. In recommending ‘Tich’ for the Dickin Medal, 1 KRRC’s commanding officer, Lieutenant-Colonel E.A.W. Williams, wrote: ‘Her courage and devotion to duty were of very real and considerable value and her courageous example materially helped many men to keep their heads and sense of proportion in times of extreme danger. The sight of her put heart in the men as she habitually rode on the bonnet of her master’s jeep and refused to leave her post even when bringing in wounded under heavy fire.’

The Battalion’s Chaplain also said of ‘Tich’ that: ‘She can leap on to any type of truck or vehicle, will howl like a wolf, will cry, will remain standing against a wall until told to move. She will also smoke cigarettes, and never eat or drink until ordered to do so by her owner.’

During her life ‘Tich’ gave birth to 15 puppies. After the War she lived with ex-Rifleman Walker in Newcastle, taking part with him in fund-raising activities for PDSA.

‘Tich’ died in 1959 and is buried alongside many other PDSA Dickin Medal recipients in the charity’s pet cemetery at Ilford.

PDSA Dickin Medal awarded in 1949 to ‘Tich’ a black mongrel Terrier

The PDSA Dickin Medal awarded in 1949 to a black Egyptian mongrel bitch terrier called ‘Tich’ for loyalty, courage and devotion to duty under hazardous conditions of war between 1941 and 1945 while serving with 1st Battalion, The King’s Royal Rifle Corps

(1 KRRC), in North Africa and Italy. It is the only Dickin Medal owned by the Museum.

On 24 April 2009 a Dickin Medal awarded to ‘Rip’, a homeless stray dog who became a Second World War hero by saving the lives of 100 air-raid victims during the Blitz, fetched £24,250 at auction.

Story sourced and credited to RGJ Museum

Titch Pic Sourced from Google

Animals Who Serve.

I have been honoured, to have dogs in my life, they chose me, as in an animal sanctuary, I slowly walk by, I wanted to take them all home with me, but to do the best for them, I could only have three.

Dogs have been our companions, since life began, finding comfort and security, living with man, they have protected us, willing to give all, taking on all comers, large or small.

The ancient Greeks and Romans used them in war, Spanish conquistadors used them for sure, the Middle Ages in England, Great Danes were used, to put fright to a knight’s horse, holding the knight, for their master’s sword, with final force.

Horses have been used for their strength and mobility, big Shires for nights, for a night in armour is somewhat heavy, donkeys and mules for the heavy work, though the speed of a horse, suited the cavalry.

Elephants are said not to be domesticable, but have been proved to be trainable, history tells the story of Hannibal, his elephants helped him become unstoppable, a machine of an animal, in ways so useful.
Rats and pigs, rhinos, dolphins, and sea lions, special operations, not always good for the animal, there’s no denying, monkeys and bombs full of bats, incendiary devices, used in attack.

Homing pigeons, a hobby or sport, in time of war, and modern communications were nought, they were the communication line, messages from the front, more reliable than word of mouth, anytime.

In so called modern times, the CIA wanted to use the domestic cat, as an acoustic feline, to spy on those from the east, but the cat is not a trainable beast, they do what they want, and sleep when they please.

Horses now are more ceremonial, but through the history of war, life has been brutal, stuck in the mud of World War one, or the charging force of cavalry, the Light Brigade, facing Russian guns.

The one animal closest to our hearts, dogs, of our lives they are a part, in war they are by our sides, the enemy to find, nowhere for a sniper to hide, bombs to find, our friend the dog, is so smart.

A handler and their dog are as one, side by side they walk along, boobytraps and trip wire, guard duty, hidden enemy, before they can fire, dogs are a man’s best friend, in war or peace, a dog its friend will defend.

Animals throughout history have served, warriors of war, and our respect they deserve, some sixteen million in WW1, workers and fighters, both powerful and strong, serving warriors, loyal and where they belong.

Derrick W Sole. Copyright Protected 2020.

Trophies of War

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Aug 262020
 

  Trophies of War

For some it is numbers for others shots fired.

For the Regiment, Battle honours adjourned on the Cap badges.

Cap badges that have been worn with pride depicting battle honours.

Battle honours that have shown history and been worn with pride, trophies of war, now defaced by some who try to change the course of history altering them.

Now rescued by two that respect those that achieved the honours the trophies of war, lost by many gained by few, history preserved to tell the story to old and new.

Trophies of war, for some a shackle to others a statement of history of bloodshed a deliverance awakening and triumph.

A war trophy can be a number of things, James Emerson Bryson was treated as a war trophy by the RGJ, a photo of his laid out body was displayed on the RGJA web site. It was removed when relatives of the Bryson family complained to the RGJA, as it was causing distress to the family.

MEMORIAL AT PENINSULA LTD own the copyrights to the graphic design of the Green Jackets Brigade and the Royal Green Jackets cap badges worn, some might say, that this is a trophy of war.

Trophies of War and Regimental Artifacts can be viewed at the RGJ / Rifles Museum 

at the former Peninsula Barracks, Winchester.

The Trophies of War

From the ancient Greeks, came “Tropaion”, that’s trophy, in battle that has been won, warriors fight and warriors die, at the turning point of battle, a memorial piled high, the point where the enemy turned, and away did fly.

In commemoration of victory, dedicated to a god, trophies of the battle, for all to see, cross stakes or a chosen tree, where hangs the enemy’s armoury, a memorial in thanksgiving of victory.

The Romans in triumph would also display, trophies of culture, and of the enemy that day, a body not whole, a demonstration of dominance, over the deceased to behold.

The Roman Eagle, a trophy to hold, flags and standards, of victory told, such trophies will continue war, with pride and honour, for the loser to restore, the loss of such standards, into the psyche bore.

Trophies of war, can belong to the state, in reparation, the enemy must make, the cost of war, in truth is about lives, but the State thinks of finance, and to get that cost back, they will strive.

Souvenirs of weapons and flags, trophies of war, even a packet of fags, a warrior, may seek, a trophy of choice, something that’s special, even worth fighting for, and the bragging rights, for evermore.

In the Napoleonic war, the bronze eagle standard, was a trophy with the highest score, sooner than let it fall, into their enemy’s hands, it would be broken up, and burnt, then with wine, the ashes drank.

Regimental colours, are a great trophy of war, even in the Falklands, the Argentine Marines burnt theirs, to keep them out of the British Army’s hands, in the Imperial War Museum, the Taliban flag hangs.

For a warrior, a trophy is about time, a part of their life, and friends left behind, the true value, may only be in the holder’s hand, that trophy of war, of time and place, strong memories it may command.

In war, the winner takes all, they write the history, of how their enemy did fall, that. in itself, is a trophy of war, embellished or understated, to the victor the spoils, a trophy for sure.

Winners get trophies even today, for little more, then a victory, on a sporting day, no threat to life, or a fight to survive, just the best, the fastest, of those that arrived.

War trophies are nothing new, they are about the victory, and dominance, over those that fought against you, from a Stone Age axe, to a weapon of modern war, not the glory of death, but for the freedom worth fighting for.

Derrick W Sole, copyright protected, 2020.

Picture credited to MEMORIAL AT PENINSULA LTD

Articles by Julie Ann Rosser 

Poem by Derrick W Sole

Sacred Ground

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Jul 262020
 

Peninsula Barracks

Sacred Ground

I have stood on that square, like many who have been there; the one we always walked round, for that square is sacred hallow ground.

That voice we did fear, would ring out seemingly everywhere, someone had not seen him, and dared, to take more than one step across the square.   

You could feel all normal life stop, you were not there, but you thought you were for the chop, relieve all around, it’s not you who wondered onto sacred ground.

Though indistinguishable words you could hear, you knew the transgressor stood in fear, the chance they had decided to take, was now turning out to be a big mistake.

No excuse would be heard, with that step the devil was stirred, punishment was coming, that’s for sure, laps round the square more than a score.

But this was sacred hallow ground, it’s not just how many times you run around, it’s also the kit you will wear, just to remind you never again to step on there.  

It’s better to go the longest way, short cuts across the square, even the bravest would never dare, the RSM would come from nowhere.

It’s as if the square spoke to him, someone dare without asking, it matters not whoever you are, two steps on to the square, was one too far.

It’s the first step of loyalty, one to each other, as a family, the regiment you serve, queen and country, together you stand for eternity.

The RSM the controlling force, the centre spoke, the biggest voice, you stand by him, as you stand by all, together you answer Great Britain’s call.

For all those that don’t understand, pride of regiment and country together go hand in hand, the square is just a tool to be used, it’s not just you, it’s those who stand with you to.

Some will pay the ultimate price, even when not letting their mates down, means their sacrifice, the sacred ground a tool of advice, when in battle, you never think twice,

It’s sacred because after battle, it’s where we laid our dead, with regimental honour this ground became sacred, respect for those who paid the ultimate price, stepping on the square was disrespect to our dead, criminal in its device.

Derrick W Sole, copyright protected, 2016  

_____________________________

9 plt Passing out Parade 1973

1st Picture by unknown, sourced from Facebook

2nd Picture by M.A.P

3rd Picture via Philip Pickford

The Tribute and Memorial Chair

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Jul 262020
 

The Tribute Chair 

The Redesigned book on the Tribute Chair

” The Chairs “

(To sit and think a bit)

A memorial to stand so proud,

To catch the eye of the passing crowd.

Take a rest have a seat,

See who passes, who you meet.

And while you sit in the cool day air,

Think about these stone carved chairs.

To some it’s just a piece of stone,

To others, a symbol that this was once, their home.

And when you leave here, And Leave you must.

Remember those Riflemen, who now are Dust,

R.I.P

In memory of all Riflemen.

Who have passed through Peninsula Barracks

And called It “Home”.

By fellow Rifleman

P. Pickford

And the Added poem by Julie-Ann Rosser

A BUGLE SOUNDED

A BUGLE SOUNDED  CALLING THE MEN TO ARMS

BANDSMEN, OFFICERS AND RIFLEMEN

FONDLY KNOWN AS

” THE CHOSEN MEN “

WE REMEMBER THOSE THAT PROUDLY

SERVED ALONGSIDE THEM 

SWIFT AND BOLD

IN SALUTATION OF THEIR BROTHERS IN ARMS

ONCE A RIFLEMAN – ALWAYS A RIFLEMAN 

By Julie-Ann Rosser

The Memorial Chair

 The Redesigned book on the Memorial Chair with the Regimental Collects

THE REGIMENTAL COLLECTS

The Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire Light Infantry (43rd & 52nd)

Lord Jesus Christ, Who has taught us by Thy Holy Apostle that the powers that be are ordained of God, add we pray Thee, to the old and new fellowship of The Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire Light Infantry the spirit of discipline and self control, that we may ever be brave in danger and patient in suffering, after Thy example, who are with the Father, and the Holy Ghost our God, world without end. Amen.

The King’s Royal Rifle Corps (60th)

O Eternal God in whom we live and move, quicken we pray Thee Thy servants of The King’s Royal Rifle Corps in Thy way, and give us boldness to seek Thy grace in every time of need; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.

The Rifle Brigade

O God, whose servant David put off his armour the better to prevail against his enemy. Grant, we beseech thee, that Thy servants of The Rifle Brigade, who were chosen of old to obey with speed and to fight unburdened, may we lay aside every weight and every besetting sin and run with patience the race that is set before us. This we ask through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen

The Royal Green Jackets

Almighty God, Creator and Preserver of all Mankind, we beseech Thee in Thy wisdom to guide and guard us Thy servants of The Royal Green Jackets. Make us worthy of the great traditions bound up in the union of our three Regiments, and as Thy servants of old were chosen to obey with speed, may we be bold in running the race that is set before us. This we ask through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.

Including the Cap Badges worn

All Rights Reserved 

©MEMORIAL AT PENINSULA LTD

Suicide is Painful

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Jul 262020
 

Below are four poems by Derrick W Sole on the impact of Suicide .

“Lest We Forget Our Brothers and Sisters in Arms who have Suffered”

P.T.S.D

Suicide is Painful.

The room is cold and clinical, stainless-steel, of it, it seems to be full, I’m looking down from on high, a stainless-steel table, there I lie, what am I doing there to avoid it, did I try.

It was a long journey to end up here, demons called me, and days of fear, a pain I cannot describe, it grabbed my body, from it I could not hide, triggers seemed to be everywhere, I’d conquer one, then another would appear.

I just could not take anymore, the love of those beside me, I felt I had lost, that’s for sure, we seem to argue all the time, drink and drugs, this life I felt was no longer mine.

On my body I did look, in this room cold dark draws, from which me, they took, how long had i been inside, how long had it been before they found me, had they really tried.

Suicide wasn’t what I thought, clean and quick, so rope I brought, I found this tree in a wood far away, on this high branch I tied it, slipped, there they found me, in the wind I did sway.

Not instant like you see, in the films and on TV, I stopped just short of the ground, my neck didn’t break, and there was no one around, I grabbed the rope round my neck, this was a mistake, and now I did regret.

The ground I could touch with the tip of my toes, the pressure around my neck was beginning to grow, I was struggling trying to breathe, a pain in my neck as the rope began to squeeze.

I really didn’t want to die, help I had needed, and for that, this was a cry, slowly I was losing the fight, I could no longer stand on my toes. I must have passed out, day had now turned into night.

My body was cold, and I was in so much pain, my legs hurt so much, my neck was the same, slowly the rope was becoming tight round my neck, my legs could not hold me, slowly I was sinking down to the deck.

The night sky was clear, the stars so bright, I was no longer frightened of life, its death I now fear, I was beginning to breathe in shallow busts, the sun was coming up, too late, this I cannot reverse, death at last.

Derrick W Sole, copyright protected, 2018.

I Thought no one Loved me Anymore.

I see them, people I didn’t know I knew, arms around those, that I definitely do, tears running down their face, why do they cry, when last they were full of rage, I’m looking down on them, but they cannot see my face.

I died in a wood somewhere, rope from a tree, I tried to hang myself, but the time it took, I did not see, there was no snapping of my neck, there was nothing instant about it, in death, would it be something, I would forget.

I thought my death would be the end of it, but for hours, outside I saw them sit, I was not a pretty sight it seems, it took them so long, to find me tangling from those trees.

People came and people went, through those woods, where I hung, life now spent, I could not be seen from any track, families laughing, lovers not looking back, a dog barking, not responding to the calls, a woman standing there, then to the ground she did fall.

I didn’t realise that people cared, I didn’t think, I would ever be found hanging there, I thought my death would be the end of it, gently they cut me down, in a bag, such a snug fit.

Why do those I thought hatted me so, scream out my name, asking, “why did I chose to go”, I tried to tell them, but they couldn’t hear, I thought that no longer, did anyone care.

I thought I would end everyone’s pain, I thought for everyone, my death would be their gain, the demons and triggers where ruling my life, the drugs didn’t work, and the need for alcohol, anything I tried.

I thought you didn’t love me anymore, I saw the anger, and knew for sure, I thought you hated me, and wanted me gone, I thought, you for our children, would find someone, better and strong, so your lives will go on.

I know now its too late, that you did love me, just my demons did you hate, I see now you didn’t know what to do, I know now, my anger frightened you, I see the love in your face, I’m sorry I brought you to this place.

I was calling out for help, but no one would listen, at least, that’s what I felt, I thought you didn’t love me anymore, then I saw you walk out the door, the house was empty, I couldn’t take anymore.

Derrick W Sole, copyright protected, 2018.

His Demons Almost Took Two.

I was there when they cut him down, he was not the man I knew, when he was found, I couldn’t do what these people do, its not a pretty sight, when they find you, time takes its toll, wildlife too.

He was married to my sister, that’s why I’m here, she had been frantic, and this was her worst fear, he was not the man I first knew, built like a brick shite house, always had the answers, always knew what to do.

He was a leader, respected by all, great to have around, and on any pub crawl, full of fun, do anything for a laugh, Zulu Warrior, often he begun, Berlin in winter, he went for a run, his clothes were lost, till out came the sun.

War changes men, boys grew old, most never want to go there again, but its their job, and they go where they are told, no way would they let each other down, so they packed their bags, off to war again they were bound.

Now my sister has lost the love of her life, she still has to see him, but I don’t know how, I tried to tell her, not to put herself through this, she is struggling now, but she needs to see him, she wants that last kiss.

It doesn’t matter how they dress it up, soft lighting, long drapes, through that silence, it’s difficult to cut, she never got that last kiss, her pain was too great, her man, her love, should never have ended up like this.

It had been difficult, they began to fight, not violent at first, but that changed one night, it wasn’t her in his mind, he just struck out, in a rage that was so blind, his demons were wining, grinding him down.

Fortunately, my sister is tough, she had three brothers, and learned to look after herself, growing up, she just moved away and he swung in the air, she could have hit him hard, but she just walked away, and left him there.

He was sorry for weeks, and sincerely so, he agreed to talk, but didn’t know where to go, his doctor just gave him the drugs, but his demons had their claws into him, he was still hurting those, who him did love.

Now my sister is a wreck, it was his demons she hated, but for him, she had great respect, he was her love, her life, I found her on the floor, empty pill bottle, I wasn’t going to let his demons, add to their score.

Derrick W Sole, copyright protected, 2018.  

What Did I Do Daddy.

What did I do daddy, what did I do, I didn’t want you to go daddy, daddy I love you, why did you go daddy, I thought you knew, why did you go, whose going to take me to bed, hold me till I sleep, then kiss me on my head.

I use to hear you scream at night, and sometimes with mummy fight, names you called, and even out of bed, I heard you fall, I heard the monster of your sleep, I saw mummy whisper, and in her arms, you she would keep.

That lemonade, you said I could not have, you drank so much, until it made you bad, in so many places, you hid it away, but when mummy found it, bad words she would say, daddy, with who will I now play.

I’m sorry daddy, I didn’t want to hurt you, I know it was my fault, if only I knew what I did do, I will change daddy, please don’t go away, mummies crying, she says, together, again we will never play.

Daddy, I’m sorry, a good boy I will be, daddy, please daddy, don’t leave mummy and me, I won’t do it again daddy, whatever I did do, daddy, please come back, I want to play with you.

The house is so empty now, cold, the sun no longer shines, the curtains are drawn, and mummy has pulled down the blinds, I thought it was your birthday, on the mantlepiece, so many cards in a line.

Nanny and grandpa are here, they sleep in the spare room, until the baby does appear, mummy has stopped painting it, she has shed so many tears, your name she calls, in the baby’s room, I hear.

Nanny said, tomorrow I have to be good, many people are coming, so behave, I should, we have to sit in a strange car, why I do not know, drive to a special place, so with the angel’s, you can go.

Don’t leave us daddy, the baby soon will come, what will I tell the baby, how can I tell it, about you and all our fun, I’m sorry daddy, I know it’s all my fault, I won’t do it again daddy, please daddy, home will you come.

Those big cars are here today, nanny has to hold mummy, comforting words she does say, I am so frightened daddy, I want all these people to go away, daddy please come home, so in the garden, again we can play.

I am all dressed smart daddy, nanny said you would be proud, why are you not here daddy, I look for you in the crowd, I have to sit in that car now daddy, so to the angel’s you can go, I love you daddy, that I hope you did know.

Many people are here daddy, mummy stands so strong, tell me what I did daddy, tell me what I did so wrong, a man plays on his trumpet, as behind the curtains you disappear, be with the angel’s daddy, in my heart you always will be there.

Derrick W Sole, copyright protected, 2020.

MEMORIAL AT PENINSULA LTD wish to thank Derrick W Sols or allowing us to the honour to display his poems.

 

 

        

Freedom of The City

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Jul 262020
 

The Rifle Brigade Memorial

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Jul 262020
 

The Rifle Brigade Memorial

The Rifle Brigade War Memorial in London commemorates the service of the Rifle Brigade in the First and Second World Wars. It stands at the junction of Grosvenor Gardens and Hobart Place near Victoria Station in the City of Westminster, on land donated by the 2nd Duke of Westminster.

The design of the memorial was inspired by Colonel Willoughby Verner. Construction was funded by the Rifleman’s Aid Society.

The memorial has a curved screen and central pylon of Portland stone, with three bronze statues by the Scottish artist John Tweed: on the pylon, a helmeted rifleman in First World War uniform marching with slung rifle (modelled on Rifleman Ephraim Alfred Dudley); and at ground level, in front of the screen to the left, a rifleman in 1806 pattern uniform with a Baker rifle, and, to the right, an officer with sword from 1800, when the Experimental Corps of Riflemen was formed.

An inscription on the memorial commemorates the 11,575 men from the Rifle Brigade who fell in the First World War; a later inscription mentions the 1,329 men who fell in the Second World War. All are listed on a Roll of Honour held at Winchester Cathedral.

The memorial was unveiled on 25 July 1925 by the Colonel-in-Chief of The Rifle Brigade, Field Marshal Prince Arthur, Duke of Connaught, and dedicated by the Chaplain-General to the Forces, Reverend Alfred Jarvis. The unveiling ceremony was accompanied by an honour guard from the 2nd Battalion, and another of veteran riflemen.

In 1970 the memorial was listed at Grade II; it was upgraded to Grade II* in 2016.

Sourced From Wikipedia

Photo Credits to RGJ Museum and Alamy Stock photo

Hampshires Waterloo

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Jul 212020
 

Introduction
Mustering troops in Hampshire before the French Wars

The person with the greatest responsibility for a county’s defence was the lord lieutenant. The lieutenancy was a Tudor creation, at the time, the latest stage in the development of the defence system of England and Wales. Every county was to have its lord lieutenant in much the same the way as a sheriff and the quarter sessions. The lieutenancy was no easy job. It entailed military and civil duties, but the military duties were the more extensive. The lieutenant had to muster the county’s militia. Every fit male from 16 to 60 years old was liable to be mustered, but only a small part of the muster was actually trained to use arms. Those selected were to be sorted into bands, trained and exercised.

All soldiers, even these part-time trained bands, cost money. Therefore lieutenants had always to weigh the threat of danger against the expense of providing a force to meet it: they must not train more men than necessary, or charge the landholders and other inhabitants of their county with more rates than they could easily bear.

The Crown held the lieutenant responsible for fixing the overall rate on the county and the quota to be paid by each Hundred (division) within their county, and for seeing that each gentleman below the rank of baron contributed his fair share of money, horses, arms and armour. He always needed a full purse of money, as costs were high. His officers required expenses and the men required wages. Ordinary soldiers were usually fed, clothed, and even armed at public expense. In addition the lieutenant had responsibility for keeping the county signal beacons in good order and ready for emergency use (these were placed on the top of hills around the county to warn of invasion).

The lord lieutenant relied upon a number of people to help him in his tasks, including two or more deputy lieutenants, the county’s sheriff, the justices of the peace, and the county’s constables. When he required a muster, he informed the High Constable. He in turn informed the parish constables, who each saw to it that at the Sunday service in their parish, that the priest announced the date and place of the
muster.

Social rank went a long way to determine military rank. Just as the lord lieutenant was almost always an earl or a baron, so the deputy lieutenants tended to be knights or substantial esquires, and the captains esquires or gentlemen. Hampshire’s lord lieutenants during the French Wars were Charles Ingleby Paulet, Earl of Wiltshire, Thomas Orde Paulet 1st Baron Bolton (see letters patent of George III appointing Thomas Lord Bolton, Lord Lieutenant of Hampshire, HRO 11M49/F/O34), JamesHarris, 1st Earl of Malmesbury. In practice, the captains of each Hundred were the officers who paid the wages of the trained bands. Another of the captain’s tasks was
“to sort his men’s armour and weapons according to the stature of their bodies.

The lists of men serving with the militia, known as Muster rolls, are more frequent in the pre and post English Civil War period (see 44M69 Jervoise of Heriard collection, for example). A few stray Muster rolls survive in family papers, such as the Muster roll of `Captain Lord Porchester’s (2nd Earl of Carnarvon’s) Company’, Wiltshire Militia, Seaford Camp, October 1794 (HRO 75M91/B21/4).

Correspondence between the lord lieutenant and Justices of the Peace (JPs) about musters also survive within some family papers. An example from the beginning of the wars with France in 1796, include a bundle of letters to Captain George Purefoy Jervoise from members of the North Hants Militia; three of those from Captain Harris informing him of a muster soon to take place and where the winter quarters are to be (HRO 44M69/G6/2/1/2). Other letters to Jervoise from R Firth, mention a deserter.

James Eades from Mapledurwell, and someone called Taylor another deserter.

Perhaps one of the more interesting documents is a Memorandum book of the Loyal City of Winchester Volunteers which was formed 1803 (HRO 182M84W/1). The volume contains a variety of information about the Corps including rules and regulations, muster rolls (giving age, marital status and other details about the volunteers), returns of ammunition and men, minutes of the Volunteers committee, copy correspondence and accounts. Interesting entries concern the relationship between Winchester College boys and the volunteers, 1804.

On a larger scale, the Quarter Sessions records contain a volume with a tabulated account of the state of the various local corps of Infantry, Artillery and Cavalry in the Hants Volunteer Force in the period 1794-1825 (HRO Q30/5/50). The volume lists the officers of each corps in the Hampshire Volunteer Force with the date they were accepted, date of commission, date gazetted, date promoted and date resigned as well as other pertinent remarks.

Muster rolls continued to be used in practice up to the two world wars in the 20th century.

Background to the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars

The French Revolution of 1789 and establishment of a new French Republic had a huge impact on wider Europe, which led to a series of wars against France by coalitions of foreign powers. The first attempt to crush the French Republic came in 1793 when Austria, the Kingdom of Sardinia, the Kingdom of Naples, Prussia, Spain and the Kingdom of Great Britain formed the First Coalition. The war ended when
General Napoleon Bonaparte forced the Austrians to accept his terms in the Treaty of Campo Formio. At this point in time only Great Britain remained opposed to the French Republic.

A Second Coalition was formed in 1798 by Austria, Great Britain, the Kingdom of Naples, the Ottoman Empire, the Papal States, Portugal, Russia, Sweden and other states. During the War of the Second Coalition, the French Republic suffered from corruption and internal division. The Austrians were defeated at Hohenlinden in 1800 and left the conflict after the Treaty of Lunéville (9 February 1801), forcing Britain to sign the “peace of Amiens” with France.

The British Army during the wars with France

After the English Civil War (1642-1651), the raising of a militia was suspended until the Militia Act of 1757. Following this Militia Act, the militia remained a standalone county force until the Cardwell Reforms of 1872, which saw the militia attached to the regular county regiments of the army. The county based Lord Lieutenant had responsibility for raising the local militia (see Introduction above). Petty Magistrates and Parish Constables distributed Household Forms which were given to each household and completed with details about each adult male (a form of census). From the forms, the Militia Ballot List was drawn up showing all able-bodied men between the ages of 18 and 50 (lowered to age 42 in 1762). For a printed book ‘A Digest of the New Militia Law which received the Royal Assent’ endorsed ‘Thomas
Hall, 1762’, see (HRO 44M69/G6/3/3/4).

Some parishes reacted negatively to the changes in the Militia arrangements as thisoften meant having to support financially or in-kind the families of serving militiamen. For example, a resolution was taken at a meeting of the Odiham parish vestry for the removal of persons who were liable for the militia ballot and whose families might thereby become chargeable to the parish The vestry was also critical at the lack of a poor relief committee (HRO 47M81/PV5).

The issue of entitlement to legal settlement within a parish, and therefore poor relief as needed, became a vexed one, with parishes eager to rid themselves of potential unwanted expenditure as above. This can be seen in two settlement examinations Elizabeth Grant faced in 1761. At her first settlement examination she stated that she was born at Little St Swithun Winchester; at Michaelmas 1755 she hired herself to John Robinson of Little St Swithun for a year, which she duly served and then she went on to serve him another 5 months (HRO 74M81W/PO19/2). At a subsequent ‘voluntary examination’ of Elizabeth Grant, described as singlewoman, in connection with a bastardy case, it was said that she was expecting a child or children likely to be chargeable on the parish of Little St Swithun, Winchester. Elizabeth Grant had told the Vestry that the father was Robert Haynes, a private in the Warwickshire Militia (HRO 74M81W/PO19/11). This was not uncommon and vexed the parish authorities.

Not all families were lucky enough to be spared a removal order from the parish they were living in if their husband was serving in the militia. For example, a removal order issued by East Woodhay parish concerning Martha, wife of William Yalden, a private soldier in the West Kent Militia, shows she was removed to East Woodhay from Kentbury, Berks in 1782 (HRO 27M77/PO1/85)

Another settlement examination, of John Batt, a private soldier in His Majesty’s Regiment of Militia, for Dorset, taken 24th January 1782 at Fordingbridge, recorded that at 9 years old he was apprenticed to John Weeks of Fordingbridge, a butcher, for 6 years and served him for 4 years; he has a wife Sarah (HRO 24M82/PO8/13). A few months later on 24th September 1782 an order was issued for the removal of his wife, Sarah Batt, from Standford Dingley, Berkshire to Fordingbridge. Sarah was being sent to the parish where her husband had spent time living as an apprentice (HRO 24M82/PO10/67).

However, some Justices of the Peace (JPs) took their responsibilities towards the maintenance of militiamen’s families seriously. A printed letter from the Clerk of the Peace, G Durnford, was sent to the churchwardens and overseers of Hampshire parishes, with an order from JPs re the care and provision for families of militia substitutes and volunteers (HRO 202M85/4/10/3). Orders for payments to the families of a militia volunteers were also issued, as at Breamore, where Elizabeth, wife of James Brothers and her children Harriott (7), James (4), Elizabeth (2) and Sarah (6 weeks), were to be supported in October 1794 (HRO 20M83/PO35/2).

Despite the social upheaval affecting families there was a need for volunteer militiamen and therefore a need for the government to maintain supplies for musters and, in the event of a siege of British ports by the French, to know whether England could subsist. This led to renewed organisation of the militia and a survey of counties to establish the strength, and weaknesses, that existed countrywide.

The defence of the realm

The Posse Comitatus, or civil power, was a survey of all men taken in 1798 capable of acting in a military capacity who were not Quakers, clergymen or already serving in a military unit. Men between the ages of 15 and 60 were included. The first such survey appears to have been conducted by the lord lieutenant of Dorset in 1797. The publicity that followed caused several other counties to conduct similar surveys. The survey was conducted against the background of war with revolutionary France, and the risk of invasion by French forces. By February 1798, Britain had been at war with France for five years.

Complete returns for the Posse Comitatus of 1798 survive for no county in England and Wales other than Buckinghamshire. However, summaries or partial lists exist for some counties, including Hampshire (Returns from parishes made under the Defence of the Realm Act, 1798 HRO Q22/1/2/5). These returns (Posse Comitatus lists), which provided authority to a law officer to conscript any able-bodied males to assist him, are a chance survival among Land Tax Assessments. Only a relatively few hundreds and parishes in Hampshire are represented.

The returns comprise of several forms A-F as follows for inhabitants of each hundred, tithing or parish:

A. Schedule No. 1: giving total numbers of men between 15 and 60 years; numbers of infirm or incapable; numbers serving in Volunteer Corps and armed associations; aliens (foreigners); Quakers; numbers incapable of removing themselves (disabled
etc). 

B Schedule No. 2: giving statement of live and dead stock, waggons, carts, corn mills and the amount of corn they can grind in a week, flour, meal, malt and local produce.

C Schedule No. 3: giving numbers of persons willing to serve, whether on foot or on horseback, how armed and whether willing to act as servants with cattle, servants with teams or guides.

D Form No. 1: return by nobility, gentry and yeomanry giving subscribers names and the numbers of waggons, carts, horses, drivers and conductors they can provide. 

E Form No. 1: return by millers giving subscribers names, the names and situations of water and wind mills, how many sacks of flour can be produced by each mill in 24 hours and whether the wheat is provided by subscribers (landowners, villagers etc).

F Form No. 2: return by bakers giving subscribers names, the number of loaves that can be baked in 24 hours by the usual number of hands and with extra help, the quantity which would keep each oven working constantly, the fuel used and whether in plentiful supply.

The aim of the forms was to give the authorities a clear idea of the likely strength of a local militia and how prepared their county and districts were for invasion or a blockade of ports
.
Notices were sent out to men eligible to serve in the militia, such as that to John Philip of Blendworth, a house servant, who was to attend at Petersfield to take the oath and be enrolled to serve in the Augmented Hampshire Militia ‘during the present 1 NB Returns D to F described above exist only for Portsdown Hundred.

Returns A to C exist for other hundreds/parishes/tithing.

War’ 18th February 1797, Signed by T Dotterill, constable (HRO 50M72/O1). Similarly, at Basingstoke a notice was served on John Hobgood and John Wheelwright that they have been chosen by lot to serve in the militia, 27 Apr 1798 (HRO 44M69/G6/2/4/3). Orders were subsequently issued to cover payment of men who acted as substitutes for those nominated to serve in the militia. Such an order
was made at Brockenhurst in the New Forest on 4th August 1781 to pay Stephen Earley, labourer, £3. 13s. 6d for volunteering as a substitute (HRO 4M81/PO34/28).

Details of what the militiaman could expect when called up to join a militia unit can be found in a printed notice of Pay, Privileges and Duty of a Militia Man in Hampshire (HRO 44M69/G6/3/1/31). Similarly, the requirements for officers can be found in a booklet entitled ‘warrant for Increasing and regulating the pay and allowance of noncommissioned Officers and Private men of Corps of Infantry serving at home’, dated 25 May 1797 (HRO 44M69/G6/2/4/3).

The Jervoise family had been associated with the county’s militia since before the English Civil Wars, and their family papers contain a wealth of information, including much printed material, on the workings of the militia system at the time of the French Wars, including: printed instructions relative to the mode of substituting the volunteers from the militia and to the payment of their bounty, 1807; copy of ‘Act for completing the militia of Great Britain’ 27 May 1809; minutes of meeting of gents resident in North Hants desirous of forming a regiment of Yeomanry held at Odiham, 27th November 1830; printed minutes of the Lieutenancy of the County of Southampton and the town of Southampton held 20th September 1803 (HRO 44M69/G6/2/4/15).

A number of families bought commissions for their sons at the time of the French Wars, which could be lucrative if the ‘boy’ was willing and able. An example of this is the Commission of Charles Dodd as a 1st Lieutenant in the Lymington Fuzileers (Fusiliers) in 1798 (HRO 22M75/F40). Not all families were successful, however, as Hans Sloane found out when seeking a commission for his son William with the Prince of Wales Regiment. In a letter dated May 1806, he complains with great indignation on his own and on his son’s behalf at the shabby treatment he has received over William’s commission. Three months earlier Colonel Cartwright had reported the Prince of Wales’ pleasure at hearing of William’s wish to join his regiment and said that he should have a commission without purchase. A Mr Greenwood had just written to him however saying that only two commissions without purchase are being made to persons Recommended by the Prince and the Duke of York, but that William, if he waits some months, might then be given one. Sir Hans felt that William should think carefully before pursuing this commission as he might meet with more disappointment and virtual breach of promise. “I do assure you that I am extremely hurt at the manner in which your just pretensions have now been set aside…” (HRO 28M57/67/3)

The wars with France

The fate of French emigres in Hampshire

A number of letters written mainly by French noblemen (emigres) addressed to officials, ministers and other public figures at various places in England and France survive at Hampshire Archives and have been bound into two volumes (HRO 109A02). A number of the letters are endorsed to William Wickham who was Undersecretary of State and Superintendent of Aliens. Examples from the letters show that many of the French emigres were anxious to return to their home country for counter revolutionary purposes, sometimes making or offering deals to obtain passports, travel, money etc.

In a letter (in French) from L Cordier, at Bishops Waltham to an unknown recipient (possibly local agent Mr Dundas) dated 29th October 1793, the writer describes himself as ‘an unfortunate who has no other hope but your kindness’. He wrote to the same recipient on September 23rd explaining that he was a passenger on the SS ‘Non-Pareil’ which left the Ile de France on April 11th 1793. Mr Dundas acknowledged receipt of Monsieur Cordier’s letter of the 23rd of the month and gave the order for his repatriation providing that ‘he will send back an Englishman of the same rank who is a prisoner in France’ . In his letter Monsieur Cordier now gives his word of honour that on his arrival in France he will do his best to send back in exchange an English prisoner of the same rank. All his ‘comrades in misfortune’ who were on the same vessel have received their passports to travel and Monsieur Cordier fears that the order from Mr Dundas regarding his (Cordier’s) has been lost in the administration offices.

In another letter (in French) from an unknown emigre to the Rt Hon Richard Ryder in London, 11th October 1811, the writer begs permission to explain a plan which will benefit the British Crown as well as all the British people. ‘What would it cost to grant him a passport? Why are they so incredulous? Why will they not see him and let him explain his actions? Can they not punish him if he fails and if he abuses the precious time they have left in which to oppose the criminal storm which is spreading from day to day?’ He begs pardon for writing by post and for being unable (for the first time in his life) to sign his name, but he knows that his handwriting will be recognised.

A further letter (in French), from an unknown Frenchman in a London prison, to an unknown recipient, (no date, post 1793) gives details of his travels since leaving France. He and his wife arrived at Bristol in December 1791 and left on November 19th 1792. His wife had the financial means to buy their freedom but all had been taken from them and they have had nothing since December 5th 1793. They almost lost their lives many times in prison. They were given a choice to return to France or stay in prison. He tried to get passports for himself and his wife but was passed from one official to another and eventually sent to a London prison where they are now and are very wretched. He gives details of ill treatment in prison and begs for help.

In a letter (in French) dated 5th Mar 1794, Captain de Guienne, wrote from Ostend concerning false accusations about himself and requested a passport. 

‘Sir, I am overcome by ills of all kinds since you judged it necessary to have me arrested in Dover and subsequently brought here without any passport. Allow me, I beg you, to explain that in the matter of crime and especially of spying, of which someone unjustly accused me, there is nothing between death and freedom and I have neither one nor the other. If I had been granted a trial in England, I would have been able to prove incontrovertibly that the papers which were judged incriminating because the key to understanding them was missing, were in fact the necessary disguise for a counter revolutionary plan whose success would have forwarded the interests of the court in London regarding the coast of Normandy – my homeland’.

Some noblemen even wrote to the King, George lll, begging for help:

‘Sire, Among the royal virtues which your Majesty possesses, and which make him a model among kings, his kindness and generosity embolden me to take the liberty of addressing him with the deepest respect due to his elevated person, from the last and only survivor of the House of Bailleu ?

Two of my ancestors, Sire, nearly six centuries ago, bore in turn one of the three crowns which now, for the glory and happiness of the British Empire and the whole world, adorn in glory the revered head of Your Majesty. Left the last of three brothers, of whom two perished – weapons in hand – in the present conflict, I have for five years enjoyed the shelter which the powerful protection of your Gracious Majesty has extended to my unfortunate compatriots.But in this time, stripped of all my goods, I have only been able to survive by the labour of my own hands, not having dared ask anything of Your Majesty’s kindness without my being able to supply authentic proof of the titles which could support my claim.’

That emigres openly discussed counter revolutionary plans in their letters, suggests that Hampshire’s potential role in supporting and supplying some emigres with the means to fight the revolutionaries, could be seen as key to the situation in France.

Amongst the letters is a detailed list (in French) of a proposed cavalry force (note on reverse marked confidential and sent to Lord Elgin), dated 14th January with no year given, but likely 1790s. The writer makes a proposal for the formation of a cavalry force about 600 strong. He states that the emigres are not asking for money or equipment or formal recognition, they merely want permission and use of a building
near the Belgian frontier for lodging. Their military aim would be to harass the enemies on the frontier, pillage convoys, burn provisions etc. (i.e. guerilla warfare not a military operation).

He wrote that they would also attempt to destroy revolutionary societies, encourage troops to desert and townspeople to revolt against revolutionary rule so as to increase the numbers opposed to the present French government (their political aim). Their personal aim would be to provide a means of subsistence for emigres by taking back what was stolen from them and selling goods to raise money for the
future. All members of such a force would be equal and without rank with only one leader whom they would obey without question. That leader would choose a ‘lieutenant’ for each particular sortie. Each volunteer would have a horse, shotgun, sword, 2 pistols, a dagger and body armour but no cannon. They would take the uniform of the French cavalry which is not tricolour. They would not be subject to Austrian or English commands. The only help they would request would be to withdraw to a foreign army in case of retreat.

The writer concluded by stating that if it seems surprising that Frenchmen wish to wage a war of destruction on other Frenchmen, it can be explained by ‘revenge, reciprocity and necessity.’ 

Other stories contained in these letters tell of daring escapes from France. Writing from Portsmouth on 17th October 1792, Thomas Trigge, sent a letter to Messrs W T and W Raites in London, stating that he has been occupied helping French emigres who had arrived in Portsmouth. He gives details of the adventures of a French Countess who stayed in Paris as long as she could. When her coach and horses
were taken, with one servant killed and herself in danger – as her husband was away in the Emigrant army – she fled to Le Havre, and disguised as a sailor boarded an English ship. Trigge asks Messrs Raikes to assist her. He states that she is a charming woman of about thirty and lively when she can forget her circumstances. She was staying in Portsmouth until her luggage arrived as it was being forwarded by an Englishman in Le Havre.

Trigge also noted that in Portsmouth there are over 500 priests – ‘who behave as well as possible!’ The plight of French clergy is often overlooked when considering the impact of the French Revolution, with the emphasis on nobility, but letters in the collection show their determination to return to a secure France one day.

French priests in Hampshire

In addition to military personnel there were many Priests held in confinement, including several hundred in the King’s House, Winchester. These were not so much prisoners of war as unfortunates who had been exiled from France where religious persecution was rife. As with the military POWs the Priests movements were restricted and they had to apply for passports to move between towns or out of the country.

In the summer of 1790 the French revolutionary government introduced its Civil Constitution of the Clergy. Papal influence was to be minimised and clergy were to become salaried civil servants, bound to the state by an oath of loyalty. Most French bishops and many priests rejected the new legislation. In the following spring so did the Pope. By the time of the 1791 Catholic Relief Act a few French priests had already sought refuge in England. These were mainly clergy from aristocratic backgrounds and therefore most at risk.

Letter (in French) from clergymen of St Malo written from Southampton, 25th November 1793.

‘Sir, It was only from the purest motives of honour and religion that we made the sacrifice of leaving our country and the same motives will make us return as soon as we are allowed to do so safely. If, therefore, Sir, any circumstances should arise whereby the clergy of St. Malo, now resident in Southampton, could be in any way useful to the English government in contributing – by means of their ministry and the confidence that their compatriots have always had in them – to the restoration of peace and order in the town of St. Malo, they are ready to devote themselves to this worthy aim, even at the expense of their well being, their freedom and even their lives. You can, Sir, count on us being always ready to respond with all discretion and prudence to whatever your wisdom decrees. 

With respect, your humble and obedient servants, Launay, Morier, Le Joliff, clergy of St Malo in Britain, at 116, High Street Southampton’.

Note on reverse ‘The curates and vicars of St. Malo.’ (HRO 109A02/2/21)

Meanwhile the French revolutionary government retaliated to the Church’s rejection of the Civil Constitution; after August 1792 a priest not taking the oath faceddeportation. A mass exodus of clergy followed. They went to the Low Countries, Germany, Russia, Portugal, Spain, Italy, and Protestant Britain. By September 1792 there were 1,500 French priests in England and in little more than a year the number
rose to about 5,000.

Initially the British Government used the King’s House at Winchester (see below) as a hostel for some of these priests. It could house more than 600 at a time, although conditions were fairly poor. When in 1796 the government feared a French invasion, it converted the King’s House into a barracks, dispersing many of the priests.

The impact of the wars with France on French POWs

No consensus exists as to when the French Revolutionary Wars (1792-1799) ended and the Napoleonic Wars began. However, the traditional view is that the Napoleonic Wars (1803–1815) were seen as a series of continuing wars between Napoleon’s French Empire and opposing coalitions. Unlike its many coalition partners, Britain remained at war throughout the period of the Napoleonic Wars.

On March 12, 1780, a table of exchange of prisoners of war, with the equivalent ransom rates, had been agreed to between European powers, ranging from 60 men for an admiral or field-marshal to one man for a common sailor or soldier in the regular services, and from four men for a captain to one man of privateers and merchantmen. In 1793 the French Government ordained a sweeping change by abolishing all equivalents in men or money to officers, and decreed that henceforth the exchange should be strictly of grade for grade, and man for man, and that no non-combatants or surgeons should be retained as prisoners of war.

In 1798 an arrangement about the exchange of prisoners was agreed between England and France. France was to send a vessel with British prisoners, 5 per cent of whom were to be officers, and England was to do the same.

The agents on each side were to select the prisoners. It was also ruled that the prisoners in each country were to be supported by their own country, and that those who were sick, wounded, incapacitated, or boys, should be surrendered without equivalent. But in 1799 the
French Republican Government refused to clothe or support its prisoners in Britain, so that all exchanges of prisoners ceased. Pending the interchange of correspondence which followed the declaration of this inhuman policy, the French prisoners suffered terribly, especially as it was winter, so that in January 1801, on account of the fearful mortality among them, it was resolved that they should be supplied with warm clothing at the public expense, and this was done, the cost being very largely defrayed by voluntary subscriptions in all parts of the Kingdom.

The foreign prisoner of war (POW) in Britain, if an ordinary sailor or soldier, was  confined either on board a prison ship or in prison ashore. Officers of certain defined ranks were allowed to be upon ‘parole’ if they chose, in specified towns.

Some officers refused to be bound by the parole requirements, and preferred the hulk or the prison with the chance of being able to escape. There were many rotten prison hulks on the rivers around the UK (several were moored at Portsmouth).

During the Napoleonic wars there were up to 122,000 enemy sailors and soldiers held in captivity. The officers were held in 50 parole towns, including Bishops Waltham in Hampshire..

2 Basingstoke, Alresford, Andover, Whitchurch and Odiham were also parole towns during the Seven
Years War with France (1756-63)

Life in a Parole Town

There were between 200-300 prisoners per town, and before any officer was allowed to reside in a parole town he was required to sign a document promising to observe certain rules. Having done this he was said to be “on parole”.

This took the following form:

“whereas the commissioners for conducting His Majesty’s transport service and for the care and custody of French officers and Sailors detained in England have been pleased to grant…[name]…leave to reside in…[town]…upon condition that he gives his parole of honour not to withdraw one mile from the boundaries prescribed there without leave for that purpose from the said Commissioners, that he will behave himself decently and with due regard to the laws of the kingdom, and that he will not directly or indirectly hold any correspondence with France during his continuance in England, but by such letter or letters as shall be shown to the agent of the said commissioners under whose care he is or may be in order to their being read and approved by the superiors, he does hereby declare that having given his
parole we will keep it inviolably.”

In all parole towns, including Alresford and Bishops Waltham, the following notice was posted in prominent positions. 

“Notice is hereby given: That all such prisoners of war are permitted to walk or ride on the great turnpike road within the distance of one mile from the extreme parts of the town (not beyond the bounds of the parish) and if they shall exceed such limits or go into any field or cross-road they may be taken up and sent to prison, and a reward of ten shillings will be paid by the agent for the apprehending them.

And further that such prisoners are to be in their lodgings by 5 o’clock in the winter and 8 in the summer months, and if they stay out later they are liable to be taken up and sent to the agent for such misconduct”.

The above limits are still defined in one part of Bishops Waltham, at ‘Frenchmen’s Bridge’, which marked the 1 mile limit of the town.

During 1810-1812 some 462 French officers across the country broke their parole and escaped to France, and of these, 310 escaped in one year (1812). French prisoners (Officers mainly) were held in ‘open prisons’ whereas British prisoners were held mainly in fortresses and secure castles. The French authorities did not contribute to the keeping of their prisoners, whilst the British gave each French officer half a guinea per week for sustenance. Also being on parole, they were free to find employment locally if they could. French POWs imprisoned at Portchester Castle on Hampshire’s coast were able to buy supplies from a temporary market.

Avove: a plan of Portchester Castle (HRO 51A05/1) showing the layout of the castle during its time as a prison for French POWs. The outline foundations of the stone castle can be seen bottom left and the church top right. Elsewhere can be seen wooden barrack blocks for the POWs with water pumps nearby.

By 1810 the authorities were concerned about mass escapes and decided to move all prisoners inland to Wales, Scotland and Shropshire away from the coast. The Agent at Bishops Waltham, John Penny, was informed in December 1811 that all French prisoners would be moved from the town and by June 1812 this move was complete.

France between the wars

In 1802, the British and French signed the Treaty of Amiens, ending war between the two countries. The treaty is generally considered to be the most appropriate point to mark the transition between the French Revolutionary Wars and the Napoleonic Wars, although Napoleon was not crowned emperor until 1804. Peace was to last barely a year before the countries were at war again, however. In the interim period some British citizens took advantage of being able to travel to France from England and take in the sights, their letters can prove enlightening.

In 1802 John Bonham (he changed his name to Bonham-Carter in 1827 to inherit his cousin’s estates) wrote to his friend Thomas Holt White from France describing the country and its people (HRO 16M97/4/74).

Boulogne sur Mer, 4th July 1802.

My Dear Friend. We found the voyage from Gravesend to Calais extremely pleasant. We went on board after dinner and got to Calais in time for dinner the next day. To us it was quite a party of pleasure. Perhaps it might be a little more serious to you. But from Dover or any watering place on the coast, you may come with ease between breakfast & dinner and we hope to see you arrive in a short time as I think you may pass part of your Summer here comfortably enough. If sea bathing would be good for Mrs White we have now machines established as good as those at Margate and this is preferable to any Bathing Place I have seen in England, considering the cleanliness of the sands and altogether the beauty of the situation.

France is not so bad as many ardent imaginations would picture it in the crisis of their disappointment, nor is it so good, as I expected and as it ought to be. But it is very well considering the failings, above all the fickleness of its inhabitants. We propose to remain here till the end of September and then to Winter in Paris.

By the end of October 1802 John Bonham’s letters reflected a growing sense that the French, by which he meant Napoleon, had ambitions beyond their reach. 

We have now been five weeks in this Capital of the World, as its gay inhabitants love to style it; and they have brought themselves to think that it is in reality. What little opinions I have ventured to form with respect to this country are strengthened every day. We are now very comfortably settled for the Winter, I hope, that is to say if no interruption should take place to the good understanding betwixt these Nations; which I doubt will have a very long continuance. The French views with respect to us are now in general formed upon the old system of rivalship heightened to a degree of intoxication by their successes and increase in territory; so that all descriptions and parties are unanimous on one point, namely that in a short time (in general they say about 3 years) Britain must fall a certain prey to France. No idea of general Liberty but simply that of Conquest and extent of Empire.

With Wellington’s army to Waterloo 

‘There were times that day – as the cannon thundered in the thick smoke and soldiers, their faces blackened by powder, were mown down in their hundreds – when defeat seemed as likely as victory’. From Wellington: a personal history, Christopher Hibbert, 1997.

An example of Britain’s continuing opposition to France’s domination of Europe, was the British Army’s provision of long-term support to the Spanish rebellion in the Peninsular War of 1808–1814. Anglo-Portuguese forces under Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington, supported the Spanish, which campaigned successfully against the French armies, eventually driving them from Spain, thus allowing Britain to
invade southern France. By 1815, the British Army played the central role in the final defeat of Napoleon at Waterloo.

One of the Generals who fought in Wellington’s army was Sir William Thomas Knollys KCB (1 August 1797 – 23 June 1883). He was educated at Harrow School and the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst. Knollys was commissioned into the 3rd Guards in 1813 and fought in the Peninsular War later that year. Below is a Letter from William Knollys, at the time a young Ensign, to his father from Staines, 28th
February 1814 (HRO 21M69/12/3)

“My Dear Father. We left Birdcage Walk this morning at half past eight and marched to Bedfont without stopping where we breakfasted, remained half an hour and afterwards proceeded to Staines, which altogether is a march of 18 miles. I am rather tired as you may suppose but I have not rode a step of the way. I will write you further particulars another day but I thought you would like to hear I expect Captain Harvey tonight & he means to write to you. I will call at the post office for a letter from you if receive this letter in time.

Prince goes on very well and has done me much service. Tomorrow we go to Bagshot which is a short march. They say there are many troops at Portsmouth and the Kingston Road is full so we came by Staines. I believe nearly 5000 men are ordered to join Lord Wellington’s army. Love to Mama and all at home and excuse this short letter from the tired hand of your affectionate and dutiful son W Knollys”.

He left for France via Portsmouth at the beginning of March 1814 and wrote several letters to his father during his time there.

The Battle of Waterloo was fought thirteen kilometres south of Brussels between the French, under the command of Napoleon Bonaparte, and the Allied armies commanded by the Duke of Wellington from Britain and General Blücher from Prussia. The French defeat at Waterloo drew to a close 23 years of war between Britain and France.

The Allied army under the Duke of Wellington was a coalition of British, Dutch, Belgian and German soldiers. Napoleon’s battle plan was to mount an offensive attack on the Allied troops gathering in Belgium and to destroy them. In order to do this he wanted to divide the armies before defeating them separately.

In order to separate Wellington and Blücher’s troops, Napoleon ordered Marshal Ney to advance on Quatre-Bras, a crossroads on the roads between Brussels and Charleroi and Nivelles and Namur. Allied Dutch-Belgium troops under Prince William of Orange were already positioned around the area and succeeded in holding off the French attack until reinforcements arrived.

At Ligny, the Prussian army occupied strongholds of walled gardens, stone houses and farmhouses and lined up on the forward slope of the Ligny Brook with the right guarding the villages of St Armand and St Armand Haye. Although the French were victorious, they failed to totally destroy the Prussian army. They were able to retreat, albeit with numerous injured and dead, north to Wavre (about 18 kilometres east of Waterloo).

Above: one of several maps from an atlas of the Battle of Waterloo (HRO 64M76) 

Wellington was short of well-trained infantry and the cavalry were inexperienced. Seeing that his troops were outnumbered by the French, Wellington decided that his best plan was to stand firm until the Prussians could come to his aid. Napoleon hadbuilt up his army from veterans, disenchanted peasants and conscripts, all hastily trained having been assembled at short notice. His strength lay in his artillery and cavalry, which were greater than Wellington’s.

An account of the Battle of Waterloo was written by Sergeant William Clarke Clapham of the Scotch Greys in a letter to his parents dated 8th July 1815 (HR38M49/1/56/19)

He begins his letter with “My Dearest Parents” followed by a long apology for not being able to write to them and keep them informed of the safety and whereabouts of himself and his brother, Mark, both in the Army. The letter was sent from Camp at Natain outside Paris on 8th July 1815. After this preamble he goes on to describe events “on this ground, which is called the Plains of Waterloo”.

“I term this an awful scene, because it is awful to the thoughts of those who hear of it, and even to myself it is so now; but when a man is in the field of slaughter he has none of those feelings. He is endowed with feelings suitable to the task he has in hand. He sees no honour now he has any time allowed for reflection. Dear Brother Mark and myself lay within two hundred yards of each other that night and could not speak to one another. However I learnt that he was safe, and sent him the pleasing news of my safety.

Day at last began to brighten the eastern skies, and no sooner could the two determined armies distinguish each other, then the ensuing thunder of the guns sounded through the distant woods and plains. Every inch of ground was disputed with firmness on both sides until 10 O’clock A.M. when the French again retired into the Forest of Ardinas. Our noble Duke saw the necessity of drawing the French Army from this forest, which was a secure resource for them. He therefore ordered the British Infantry to be drawn off, and the two Brigades of Heavy Cavalry, together with a Brigade of Horse Artillery and a Troop of Rocketeers to cover their retreat.

They commenced their retreat by the Brussels road, and before the infantry were one mile (which the French thought to be completely beaten) on the road he sent his Curassiers (which are the choice troops of France and clad in armour) to attack the British Cavalry. The attack was furious on both sides, but the French were cut down wherever they came, and forced to retire with great loss. They advanced to attack the Light Cavalry several times on the several hills we passed over, but would not face the heavy (cavalry) that day.

The British Cavalry lost a number of men and horses on this occasion chiefly by a brigade of French artillery which they brought to bear upon our lines. We retreated in this manner skirmishing together about 5 miles; and at last the Duke gained the ground, and advantageous position for which he had been working the whole time. He formed his line with great skill and expedition, and placed his canon ready for their approach; the Rocketeers were placed on the road, and the canon on a hill just over them. The moment the French Army came within their reach they opened a most dreadful fire of canon and rockets upon them. The French were stagnated at our sudden stand, as they thought we were completely put to the route but the British Boys gave it so hot that they were forced to retire out of the reach of our shot.”

Sergeant Clapham continued his letter: “This morning for the first time I saw my Brother Mark. He was permitted by the Colonel to come down the hill to our lines. He found me and we had just time to take a dram out of each others flask (as other warriors do) when the word was given to Arms. We shaked hands and took a more than common farewell with each other – adding at the same time if we were both spared we must be seen to send word to each other as soon as possible after the Battle, which we knew well was to be a serious one.” His brother, Mark, was shot through the arm with a musket ball but survived.

Above (HRO 38M49/1/56/19) Sergeant William Clarke Clapham’s letter to his parents with an account of Waterloo.

Another account of the Battle at Waterloo, by Lieutenant-Colonel Leach of the 95th Rifles, recalls the close fighting that took place (HRO 170A12W/D/0725).

“The fierce onset of the French with overwhelming numbers forced back my two Companies on the main body of the 95th Regiment, and this hillock was also instantly assailed in such a manner as to render it impossible for one weak Battalion, consisting of only six Companies, to stem the torrent for any length of time. We were consequently constrained to fall back on the 32nd Regiment, which was in line near the thorn hedge which runs from the Genape road to the left, and along the front of Picton’s Division.

We were closely pressed and hotly engaged during the retrograde movement, and very soon after reaching the spot where the 32nd was in position, a volley and a charge of bayonets caused the French to recoil in disorder and with a heavy loss; and it was at this moment of fire, smoke and excitement that the Heavy Cavalry of our Army suddenly appeared amongst us, and instantly charged that Infantry which the fire and charge of bayonets from Picton’s Division had previously shattered and broken.”

The recollections of Corporal Aldridge, 2nd Battalion 95th Rifles, written down by a superior officer, Colonel Cawler of the 52nd Regiment, also recounts the excitement of the event (HRO 170A12W/D/0723)

“This Battalion brigaded with the 52nd, 71st and 3rd Battalion 95th; was in reserve during the first part of the action, but suffered
considerably, principally from Artillery. It was afterwards moved up into the front line and relieved Brunswickers in squares. It formed a square and moved to the front of the position. A square of the 52nd was the nearest to it and to the right. Saw no friendly troops to the left; the French were in that direction, and annoyed his Battalion very much. French Cavalry charged close at them, and the left face of the square suffered particularly from grape[shot]. After some time retired behind the position, then one wing behind the other and so formed a four-deep line. 

The French came up in three columns. Their left was obliquely to his left. They rushed forward three times, and came very close to the
Artillery. The Artillerymen left their guns, except two or three who lay down under them. [He] Saw the 52nd move forward to the right of the
2nd 95th and charge those columns. About the same moment Lord Wellington rode up to the 95th and called out ‘Who commands the
95th?’. Colonel Norcott and Major Wilkins had just been wounded, and at first no Officer answered. Then Lieutenant Dixon who commanded
the second company from the right stepped forward. Lord Wellington said ‘Order the 95th to charge’. Lieutenant Dixon then saw that Captain Logan, who commanded the right Company of the line, was in command and gave the order to him. Captain Logan gave the word
‘Forward’ to the Battalion. The Enemy gave way. One Artilleryman who was lying under the Guns jumped up with a match in his hand and let
off two or three that were loaded. His comrades afterwards used to call him Lord Waterloo.”

Wellington described his victory at Waterloo as a ‘damned near-run thing’. The battle was closely fought and either side could have won, but mistakes in communication, leadership and judgement led, ultimately, to French defeat. This defeat ended Napoleon’s hundred days reign, he was exiled to the island of St Helena where he died in 1821.

Post Waterloo I

In Britain and throughout the Commonwealth, Waterloo and Wellington have been commemorated in the names of streets, railways stations, bridges, public houses and parks. The name ‘Waterloo’ itself has entered the English vocabulary; one who has been defeated after a run of success is said to have ‘met their Waterloo’. The pop group Abba’s winning entry in the 1974 Eurovision Song Contest was based on this phrase.

In the immediate aftermath of Waterloo there was much celebration throughout the country. Songs, prayers and plays were written and performed in public places, firework displays were organised and an attempt at providing succour to the wounded and maimed through alms giving and public collections.

A ‘form of prayer and proclamation for the victory over the French at Waterloo, 18th June 1815’ was available at 8s 3d for copies (see HRO26M69/PW1). Collections were made in churches for the relief and benefit of the families of those killed in the Battle of Waterloo, 1815 (6 items in HRO21M65/J2/1/9), plus a letter was sent out from the bishop of Winchester to his clergy asking them to read a letter from the King to their parishioners to encourage donations.

Tichborne parish register of baptisms (HRO139M82/PR2) includes a memoranda of collections made for the relief of families of Waterloo soldiers in 1815, with individual contributions by the likes of Robert Tichborne, Reverends Charles Peters and Samuel Strutt along with Mrs Strutt and three children. The parish raised a total of £8.16.2d, which would be the present-day equivalent of £552.00 using the retail price
index.

Above: Poster for a display of fireworks in the yard of the Swan and Castle Inn, Buckingham, by William Cross (HRO 44M69/K3/84).

Families, as well as individual soldiers, were affected by the conflict. A printed appeal for the relief of sufferers at Battle of Waterloo, with a list of donations made inhouse to house collections at Penton Mewsey, in 1815 was distributed. The total collected amounted to £15.13.2d, the equivalent today of £982.00 using the retail price index. (see HRO 114M82/PW4).

At a personal level, a settlement examination of Elizabeth Harriet Marsh, aged 25, of Ringwood, widow, was taken 1st November 1815 (see below). In which she recounts her travels in Hampshire and Dorset looking for work, beginning as an apprentice in Bridport and finally living in Portsea. On 19th December 1814 she married William Marsh, a private in His Majesty’s Twelfth Regiment of Dragoons, but he was killed at the Battle of Waterloo; she believed his mother was living in the city of Leicester. Herexamination shows that she had one child, a daughter called Harriet aged 6 weeks old. Because of her husband’s untimely death she was now chargeable for poor relief to the parish of Ringwood (HRO 22M84/PO113A/20).

The Irish Rebellion and links to France

The revolution in France and Britain’s preoccupation with defeating Napoleon meant that those opposed to British rule in Ireland saw an opportunity to rid themselves of the English in Ireland. On 12th February 1796 Irish revolutionary Wolfe Tone, leader of the United Irishmen, who had been exiled in America arrived in Paris, carrying with him a plan to intimidate Britain and reclaim Irish soil. Wolfe Tone sailed from France to invade Ireland with a force of 14,000 French veteran troops under General Hoche, which arrived off the coast of Ireland at Bantry Bay in December 1796. However, due to bad weather and indecisive leadership the invasion failed and the French fleet was forced to return home. Wolfe Tone was convicted of treason for his failed invasion, but took his own life rather than face the British gallows.

The British government responded to the threat of Irish insurrection and widespread disorders by launching a counter-campaign of martial law from 2 March 1798. On May 23rd, 1798, the Irish Rebellion broke out. Undaunted by their initial attempt at invasion alongside Wolf Tone and buoyed by the Irish unrest, a French expeditionary force was sent to County Mayo to assist in the rebellion against Britain in the
summer of 1798. It had some success against British forces, most notably at Castlebar, but was ultimately routed while trying to reach Dublin. French ships sent to assist them were captured by the Royal Navy off County Donegal.

A document marked ‘Secret’ (HRO 19M61/4394), was sent by the Commissioners at the Admiralty Office, alerting naval officers of an impending threat by French armed forces to support the Irish cause.

Whereas we have ordered Vice Admiral Sir Charles Thompson to receive on board the ships named in the margin such troops as may be at Portsmouth destined for Ireland, and to proceed with them as expeditiously as possible off Waterford, and having disembarked them at that place to repair with the ships of the line above mentioned and cruise off Cape Clear for the purpose of intercepting any supplies of men, arms and ammunition which the Enemy may attempt to convey to Ireland for the use of the Rebels…In case however the Enemy’s squadron should be accompanied by transports, you are to direct the Vice Admiral to use every means in his power to destroy or disable the vessels of that description, before he attacks the Ships of War.

The threat of French assistance to the Irish rebels continued throughout the year and another circular letter (HRO 19M61/4394) was sent, in triplicate, from the Admiralty Office on 24th September 1798, to Captain Faulkner of the ship HMS Diana at Belfast stating that:

Accounts having been received that a squadron consisting either of two ships of the line & seven frigates, or of one ship of the line and eight frigates, had sailed from Brest on the 17th destined, as supposed, for the coast of Ireland. I am commanded by my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to acquaint you therewith, and to signify their direction to you to proceed without a moments delay with the ship you command and those now with you off Killala Bay, where you may expect to be reinforced by the ships on the northern coast, and others which may be sent to you by Vice Admiral Kingsmill, and use your best endeavours to take or destroy the Enemy’s ships if they should appear upon that part of the coast.

The above was subsequently updated with intelligence to show that ‘The squadron consisted of one Ship of the Line, eight frigates and an armed schooner and appeared to be full of troops’.

Broadsheets like the one above (HRO 21M57/A43/69) are evidence of France’s continuing allegiance to the Irish cause during the revolutionary period.

The range of printed ephemera available within the Archives to illustrate the Irish Rebellion and show links with France is extensive, including “Rebellion Laws to be considered in Parliament Session 1802” (HRO 38M49/5/2), and not least in the collected papers of Charles Agar, 1st Earl of Normanton (1736-1809), which includes orders, reports, broadsheets etc (printed) about the rebellion and its aftermath (HRO21M57/A42-43).

Charles Agar, 1st Earl of Normanton, was an Anglo-Irish Protestant clergyman. Agar had a distinguished career in the Chruch in Ireland, he served as Dean of Kilmore (1765–1768) and Bishop of Cloyne (1768–1779). In 1779 he was admitted to the Irish Privy Council and appointed Archbishop of Cashel, an office he held until 1801, and was then Archbishop of Dublin from 1801 to 1809.

Agar witnessed the uprisings and rebellion of the 1790s. He created personal papers about the Irish army, mostly as manuscript notes. Subjects include augmentation of the army c1768-9; sending troops to America; and the Mutiny Bill 1780 (HRO21M57/A3). His papers also cover the French Revolution and Revolutionary Wars, including news of the French invasion 25th August 1796.

Above: example of a printed ‘news’ notice issued from Dublin Castle about the French forces that landed in Ireland in 1796, from the collection of records associated with Charles Agar (HRO 21M57/A3).

Sourced and Credits to Hants.Gov

The Fovant Badges

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Jul 132020
 

The Fovant Badges

Fovant Badges High Resolution Stock Photography and Images - Alamy

“My Badge”

When the rag was a flag, and the staff was a Pole, As a youth I would think of when they were whole.

But now I’m a man and old I might be. But my BADGE is still here for all to see.

By fellow Rifleman

P. Pickford

The Fovant Badges are a set of regimental badges cut into a chalk hill, Fovant Down, near Fovant, in southwest Wiltshire, England. They are located between Salisbury and Shaftesbury on the A30 road in the Nadder valley; or approximately 1⁄2 mile (800 m) southeast of Fovant. They were created by soldiers garrisoned nearby, and waiting to go to France, during the First World War; the first in 1916. They are clearly visible from the A30 road which runs through the village. Nine of the original twenty remain, and are scheduled ancient monuments and recognised by the Imperial War Museum as war memorials.

Further badges have been added more recently.

The Fovant Badge Society holds an annual Drumhead Service which is attended by the Australian High Commissioner, local mayors and members of parliament. These services fund the upkeep of the badges.

After the outlines were cut into the grass-covered hillsides, they were refilled with chalk brought from a nearby slope, up to 50 tons per badge. The badges took an average fifty men six months to complete.

Current badges

Reading left to right (north-east to south-west), the badges at Fovant are:

Royal Wiltshire Yeomanry (only central part remaining)

YMCA, restored in 2018.

6th (City of London) Battalion, London Regiment (City of London Rifles) (claimed to be the first of the badges cut here).

Australian Commonwealth Military Forces (the largest, 51m×32m)

Royal Corps of Signals (cut in 1970 to commemorate the Corps’ 50th anniversary)

Wiltshire Regiment (added in 1950)

5th (City of London) Battalion, London Regiment (London Rifle Brigade)

8th (City of London) Battalion, London Regiment (Post Office Rifles)

Devonshire Regiment

Centenary badge

To commemorate the centenary of the first badge, created in 1916, a badge in the shape of a poppy, to represent the poppies that grew in “Flanders Fields” has been created.

Lost badges

Several of the lost badges were short lived, small and crudely constructed.

Royal Army Service Corps

Royal Army Medical Corps, possibly on the site of where Royal Wiltshire Yeomanry is now.

Machine Gun Corps

Queen Victoria’s Rifles

35th Training Battalion

‘Dingo’

Post Office Rifles ‘POR’ letters, possibly there prior to the current Post Office Rifles figure.

7th Battalion of the City of London Regiment (there is also a figure for this Regiment in Sutton Mandeville)

9th Royal Berkshire Regiment

37th Training Battalion

Voluntary Aid Detachment

The previously unrestored military badge at Sutton Down of the Royal Warwickshire Regiment was restored during 2017 and spring 2018 by volunteers of the Sutton Mandeville Heritage Trust. It was supported by a grant from the National Lottery and the restored badge was inaugurated on 3 May 2018 by Prince Edward, Duke of Kent, Colonel-in-Chief of the Royal Regiment of Fusiliers, the successor to the Royal Warwickshire Regiment. (51.042847°N 2.024854°W)

The nearby badge of 7th Battalion, The London Regiment remains un-restored. (51.042226°N 2.022386°W)

After more than twenty years of neglect the outline map of Australia on Compton Down was restored during 2018/19 by a local voluntary group called the Map of Australia Trust (MOAT). This unique hill figure was created by Australian troops garrisoned in Hurdcott Camp in the fields below the map training and awaiting transport to the battlefields.

The map is a Scheduled Monument. (51.061816°N 1.939990°W)

On 25 April 2019, Anzac Day, a remembrance service was held on the Map of Australia to serve as a commissioning of the recent restoration of the map and to honour the Australian troops who had been accommodated locally. The service was attended by over 100 people including the Lord Lieutenant of Wiltshire, Sarah Troughton, the deputy Australian High Commissioner, Matt Anderson, and travelling from Australia, the daughter of a soldier who was at the Hurdcott Camp recovering from war wounds.

On Lamb Down, on the north side of the A36 between Codford and the Deptford interchange and about 9 miles north by west of Fovant, is a cutting of the Australian Commonwealth Military Force badge, it is less detailed than the one at Fovant. ? It was cut in 1916–1917. (51.064944°N 1.79738°W)

Near Barford St Martin, at the eastern end of the Fovant Encampment, was formerly the Finsbury Rifles badge. Little is known of this figure.
About 20 miles from the Fovant Badges, at Bulford Camp, is the Bulford Kiwi, another military hill figure (though not a badge).

Sourced from Wikipedia 

Picture by By Alamy Sock Photo